Kronstadt uprising ("rebellion") (1921). Kronstadt uprising (1921) to the requirements of the participants of the Kronstadt Uprising 1921 refers

What is the Kronstadt rebellion? This is an armed uprising of the sailors of the Baltic Fleet deployed in the Kronstadt fortress. Sailors against the power of the Bolsheviks were made, and their confrontation continued from March 1 to March 18, 1921. The uprising was cruelly suppressed by the units of the Red Army. Arrested riskers tried. 2103 people sentenced to execution. At the same time, 8 thousand rebels managed to escape. They left Russia and went to Fnnlandi. What were the prerequisites and the course of this rebellion?

Background of Kronstadt Mountains

By the end of 1920, civil war on the larger territory of Russia ended. At the same time, the industry and agriculture lay in ruins. The policy of military communism was rampant in the country, in which the peasants were taken by grain and flour. It provoked mass uprisings of the rural population in different provinces. It has acquired the greatest strength in the Tambov province.

In the cities, the situation was no better. The general decline in industrial production gave rise to total unemployment. Who could have fled to the village, hoping for the best stake. Production workers received food soldering, but they were extremely small. Many speculators appeared in the city markets. And precisely at the expense of them, people somehow survived.

During military communism, the situation with food was very hard. People went out on demonstrations, demanding an increase in soldering

The heavy situation with the products gave rise to the workers' strike in Petrograd on February 24, 1921. And the next day, the authorities were introduced in the city martial law. At the same time, they arrested several hundred most active workers. After that, food solders were increased, which added canned meat. This is some time calming the inhabitants of Petrograd. But there was Kronstadt nearby.

It was a powerful military fortress with a lot of artificial islands and forts guarding the mouth of the Neva. It was not even a fortress, but a whole military city, which was the base of the Baltic Fleet. Military sailors and civilians lived in it. On any military base there are always large food reserves. However, by the end of 1919, all food reserves from Kronstadt were exported.

And therefore his population turned out to be in general rights with residents of the capital. In the fortress began to deliver products. But it was bad everywhere, and the military base did not exception. As a result, discontent began to grow among the sailors, and it was aggravated by unrest in Petrograd. On February 26, the inhabitants of Kronstadt sent a delegation to the city. It was authorized to find out the political and economic situation in the capital.

Returning, delegates said that the situation in the city was extremely tense. Everywhere military patrols, plants are flying and surrounded by troops. All this information agitated people. On February 28, a meeting was held, on which the requirements of the re-election of advice were heard. This organ of the people's authority at that time was a fiction. Filled in it the Bolsheviks, controlled by the Commissars.

Universal discontent and excitement turned out on March 1, 1921 in a thousand rally on an anchorine area. The main slogan on it was - "Tips without Communists." The chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTCIK), Mikhail Ivanovich Kalinin, arrived at the rally.

Its task was to discharge the situation, smooth out the glow of passions, calm people. However, the speech of one of the leaders of the Bolshevik Party was interrupted by indignant cries. Kalinina unequivocally advised to get away away. Then he stated that she would return, but not alone, but with proletarians who mercilessly destroy this focus of counter-revolution. After that, Mikhail Ivanovich under whistle and the ululyukne left the square.

The protesters adopted a resolution in which the following items were (not completely shown):

1. To re-election of tips with the preliminary free campaigning of workers and peasants.

2. Freedom of speech and seals for peasants, workers, anarchists and left socialist parties.

3. Collect no later than March 10, the non-partisan conference of workers, the Red Army and the sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt and the Petrograd province.

4. Abolished politicalotes, since no party can use privileges to promote their ideas and receive means from the state treasury for this.

5. Abolish combat communist detachments in military units, in factories and factories. And if such detachments need, then form them in military units from personnel, and in factories and factories at the discretion of workers.

6. Give the right to the farmers to the ground, without using the futility.

7. We ask all military units and military cadets to join our resolution.

The resolution was adopted by the Brigade Assembly unanimously at 2 abstentions. He was announced at a citywide rally in the presence of 16 thousand citizens and adopted unanimously.

Kronstadt rebellion

The next day, after the rally, a temporary revolutionary committee (VRK) was formed. His headquarters is located on the Petropavlovsk battle. This ship stood next to other military courts in the harbor of Kronstadt. All of them were inserted into the ice and as a combat units did not imagine any of such conditions. There were heavy duty guns on the ships. But from such guns to shoot well over long distances on the enemy's martial ships with thick armor. And to fill on the infantry - it's like shooting from guns on sparrows.

The ships also had guns of small, medium caliber, machine guns. But during the civil war with inactive ships and forts of Kronstadt, most of the cartridges and shell were taken out. There was not enough rifles, as the sailor rifle is not supposed. On the military courts it is intended only for Karaul. Thus, the Kronstadt rebellion that began did not have a serious combat base. But the sailors did not plan to conduct fighting. They only fought for their rights and tried to solve all questions peacefully.

Ice martial ship in Kronstadt Bay

He headed VRK Stepan Maksimovich Petrichenko. He served as a senior writer on the Petropavlovsk battleship, and I didn't show any special organizational talents at the head of the Committee. But managed to organize the release of the newspaper Izvestia VRK. The headquarters also took under the protection of all strategic objects of the city, forts and ships. There were radio stations on the latter, and they were broadcasting a message about an uprising in Kronstadt and a resolution adopted at the rally.

The rebels sailors called their rebellion of the third revolution aimed against the dictatorship of the Bolsheviks. Agitators were sent to Petrograd, but most of them were arrested. Thus, the Bolshevik government made it clear that the rebels will not be negotiating and concessions. In response, they created the defense headquarters, which included specialists of the royal army and fleet.

From Petrograd to Kronstadt on March 4, Trotsky telegraphed. He demanded immediate surrender. In response to this, a meeting was held in the fortress, in which the rebels decided to resist. Armed divisions of the total number of up to 15 thousand people were created. At the same time, there were faders. At least 500 people left the rebellious city before the start of hostilities.

For the Bolsheviks, the Kronstadt rebellion turned into a serious test. The uprising was necessary to urgently suppress, as it could become a detonator, all Russia could blame. Therefore, to the rebellious city urgently pulled all the command composition and loyal regime of the Red Army. But they were not enough, and then the party sent to suppress the rebellion of the delegates of the X Congress of the RCP (b), which was to begin in Petrograd on March 8. To all these people, Trotsky promised the Order.

To the fortress pulled the beginner writers, assuring that they would make them all the classics. Also, they were thrown to suppress Kremlin cadets of machine-gun courses and formed a consolidated division. In the last gathered those communists who in their time they were guilty, soaked, were defeated. Many of them were kicked out of the party, and now they gave a chance to rehabilitate in the eyes of Soviet power. He headed the Division of Pavel Dybenko.

By March 7, all these units entered the 7th Army under the command of Tukhachevsky. She had 17.5 thousand fighters. The main shock force was considered a summary division, consisting of 4 brigades. The Omsk 27th Infantry Division also moved to Kronstadt. In 1919, she took Omsk, freed him from Kolchaktsev, and now it was supposed to help in the purification of the rebellious fortress from counter-revolutionaries.

Closing ahead, it should be said that there were 2 kronstadt assault. The first assault began on March 7, 1921. By order of Tukhachevsky, artillery fire was opened on the fortress forts. Basically, he went from the Fort of the Red Gorka, which remained the faithful of Soviet power. In response, the guns from Linkar "Sevastopol" have hit. The artillery duel continued all evening, but this "exchange of courtesies" did not cause any serious losses in the opposing parties.

Early in the morning of March 8, the troops of the 7th Army went to the assault of Kronstadt. However, this attack was repulsed, and some of the advancing parts moved to the side of rebellious seafarers or refused to carry out an orders for the offensive. At the same time, the shelling of forts continued. The Bolsheviks even involved aviation, which dropped the bombs on the ships inserted into the ice. But all this did not help. By the end of the day, the coming it became clear that the assault that became in history as the first failed.

Red Army of the 7th Army Storm Kronstadt

The second storming of the Bolsheviks prepared much more carefully. The Kronstadt rebellion with each day became increasingly popular in the people, and therefore the second failure could pour out in hundreds of similar reges throughout the country. Additional troops and the number of the 7th army increased to the island area of \u200b\u200bKotlin.

Military parts diluted police officers, criminal investigation, communists, security officers and deputies of the congress. All this was to increase the moral and morale of ordinary redarmeys, who were not very burned by the desire to fight against their. Additional artillery guns and machine guns arrived from long-distance garrisons.

The second assault on the rebellious kronstadt began at 3 am on March 17. This time the coming acted more simply and organized. They began to storm the forts and take them one by one. Some strengthens were kept for several hours, and some surrendered immediately. This affected the lack of ammunition at the defendants. Where the ammunition was very small, the rebellious sailors did not even resist, and in Finland went on ice.

Aviation bent was subjected to the flagship battleship Petropavlovsk. VRK members were forced to leave the ship. Some of them were headed by defense in the city itself, where the Red Armenians broke after the fall of forts, while others led by Petrichenko went to Finland. Street battles continued until early morning on March 18. And only for 7 o'clock in the morning, the resistance of rebellious sailors in the city stopped.

The Kronstadtsians remaining on ships at first decided to blow all the floating funds so that they would not get the Bolsheviks. However, the leaders have already left the vessels and went to Finland, therefore disagreements began between the sailors. On some ships, the rebels disarmed, they were arrested, and from the trim were released arrested communists. After that, the trial began one after another to radiate, that the Soviet government was restored. The latter surrendered to the Petropavlovsk battleship. At this, the Kronstadt rebellion ended.

In total, the 7th Army lost 532 people killed and 3305 injured. Of these, 15 people were delegates of the X Congress. From the rebels died 1 thousand people and 2.5 thousand were injured. About 3 thousand surrendered to captivity, and 8 thousand went to Finland. These data are not entirely accurate, as different sources give a different number of killed and wounded. There is even the opinion that the 7th Army lost injuries and killed about 10 thousand people.

Conclusion

Was the Kronstadt rebellion of a meaningless meat grinder or had some kind of political importance? He became the moment of truth, which finally showed the Bolsheviks all the futility and the harm of the policy of military communism. After the rebellion of the leaders of the Bolshevik Party worked the instinct of self-preservation.

Lenin, Trotsky and Voroshilov with deputies of the X Congress of the RCP (b), who participated in the suppression of the insurgency in Kronstadt. Lenin in the center, to the left of him Trotsky, Voroshilov behind Lenin

We must pay tribute to Lenin. He possessed extremely dodged and quickly adapted to changing situations with the mind. Therefore, after the suppression of the insurgency, Vladimir Ilyich announced the beginning of a new economic policy (NEP). Thus, the Bolsheviks killed 2 hares at once. They reduced the "no" political tensions and stabilized the collapsed economy. Some experts consider NEP to be the most successful economic project of the Soviet era. And he was obliged to in many ways Kronstadt rebellion, a shameless basis of the Soviet power.

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Introduction

The events of October 1917, opened a new era in the history of mankind. These events stirred by the gigantic masses of the people. The cities and villages of a huge country seemed to boil and buried the volatile energy of the awakened people.

Civil war broke out, adopting an unusually fierce and protracted character. To the outcome of 1920, civil war ended. Vrangelev troops were defeated. On November 15, the Red Flag was raised over Sevastopol Cove. The new period in the life of our country has occurred.

In history, it is often confused in information and facts. Some are distorted, others disappear and lose forever. Most often, this is due to the fault of power. Something is considered obsolete and not necessary, and something is simply not profitable to maintain. The Kronstadt rebellion of 1921th year is one of the most striking such examples. Almost all information disappeared about these events. By the end of the 40s, all witnesses of those events were exterminated.

Starting the project work, I reviewed a variety of diverse points of view, reading documents and essays and nowhere is not given a unambiguous point of view on these events of 1921, there is always unlawful. Therefore, at the beginning of work, I set myself a question that became the goal of my work: what gave rise to an armed speech of sailors of the Kronstadt fortress against Soviet power, whether it was a counter-revolutionary rebellion or the expression of the feasibility of the people in the authorities "Bolsheviks" headed by in, and Lenin ? The answer to this question will not be so light and simple, given that over the past years, most authors considered their duty at least embellish, and sometimes distort the facts. Trying to evaluate the events that lie so far in a temporary segment from the moment we live, you will have to try to give an objective assessment of those items and documents that are in my disposal. Such an assessment of these events is possible and will not give a guarantee of the truth and the accuracy of the events under consideration, but will help to consider some versions of events of those days will help make their own conclusions about the events under consideration. To achieve the target, you must perform the following tasks:

1. To get acquainted with the events of the Kronstadt renewal of 1921.

2. Consider the point of view:

"Bolsheviks";

Schedules;

Historians of different periods;

Formulate your own point of view and answer the topic delivered topic;

3. To summarize the facts found and conclude whether the hypothesis of my work is true.

Hypothesis: The Kronstadsky Mount of the Baltic Fleet was an apogee of popular discontent with the Bolshevik policies.

The object of study is an uprising against Soviet power in the Kronstadt fortress in 1921, its causes, the current, opposing parties, and the consequences. As well as the point of view of contemporaries of the uprising, Soviet and modern Russian historians.

I used the materials in my work that I found in magazines, which is stored in the home library and those who gave me a manager, as well as monographs found in the city library. In addition, I used materials of some Internet sites. I used the article by V. Winov, "Kronstadt: a rebellion or uprising?" published in the journal "Science and Life" in 1991, where the progress of the uprising is described; Article Shishkin I. Kronstadt rebellion of 1921: "Unknown Revolution"?, Which is printed in the magazine "Star" in 1988 and tells about the versions of these events. In the second half of the 80s of the first half of the 90s with the beginning of the "restructuring" in our country, such unknown pages of history began to open, so I also addressed articles from other journals, such as "Questions of History" for 1994 and Military - Historical magazine for 1991, where articles are published: "Kronstadda tragedy of 1921" and "Who provoked the Kronstadt rebellion?" In the first simply outlines the events that occurred, the second put forward the versions about the causes of these events. In addition, I got acquainted and used in my work the materials of the Central State Archive of the Navy, taken on the site of this archive (www.rgavmf.ru).

98 years ago, March 18, 1921, the Kronstadt rebellion was depressed, which began under the slogan "For advice without communists!". It was the first after the end of the civil war an anti-Bolshevik uprising. The teams of Linkorov "Sevastopol" and "Petropavlovsk" demanded re-election of the Soviets, to abolish the commissioners, to provide freedom of activity to socialist parties and resolve free trade. It would seem why now in 2017, contact the events of almost century ago? But I believe that it is necessary to study such "forgotten" events of our story, as they can teach us to evaluate modernity from different positions. Events such as the Kronstadt rebellion of 1921 will always be relevant for Russian citizens, as they constitute an integral part of our historical memory, our historical heritage.

In my work, I will try to figure out, consider different points of view, compare facts and hypotheses and draw conclusions. Of course, over the question, which is the goal of my work and professional historians and I would be very self-administered to compete with them, in addition, the volume of the research project is too small for the comprehensive consideration of these events. But still, in your work, I will try to figure out, consider different points of view, compare facts and hypotheses and make your own conclusions based on these facts.

Chapter 1. Kronstadda uprising of 1921

1. Causes of the Kronstadd Uprising of 1921

Consider the economic and political situation in the country on the eve of the insurgency in Kronstadt.

The main part of the industrial potential of Russia was dismissed, economic relations were broken, lacked raw materials and fuel. There were only 2% of the pre-war quantity of cast iron, 3% sugar, 5-6% cotton fabrics, etc.

The industrial crisis gave rise to social conflicts: unemployment, spraying and declaration of the dominant class - proletariat. Russia remained a country-bourgeois country, 85% in its social structure accounted for the fraction of the peasantry, exhausted by wars, revolutions, the privacy. Life for the overwhelming majority of the population has become a continuous struggle for survival. [№4.c.321-323]

In the late 1920s - early 1921, armed uprisings embraced Western Siberia, Tambov, Voronezh province, the Middle Volga region, Don, Kuban. A large number of anti-Bolshevik peasant formations operated in Ukraine. In Central Asia, the creation of armed detachments of nationalists was becoming increasingly widely. By the spring of 1921, the uprising was gone throughout the country. [№10.С.23]

Following the geography of anti-Bolshevitsky speeches in 1918-1921, I saw that almost all areas of the country restrained, but not at the same time. Some areas were supplied earlier, other protest broke through at the end of the Civil War. The preserves of the Bolsheviks allowed the pridness of their politics, the principle of "divide and conquer". Lenin demanded applying airplanes and armored vehicles against the peasant "gang". On Tambovschina participants of the excitement traveled by stalking gases.

Lenin said about this period: "... in 1921, after we overcame the most important stage of the Civil War, and overcame the victoriously, we came across a big, - I suppose, is the largest political crisis of Soviet Russia. This internal crisis has discovered dissatisfaction is not only a significant part of the peasantry, but also the workers. It was the first and hopefully, the last time in the history of Soviet Russia, when the large masses of the peasantry, not consciously, and instinctively, in the mood were against us. " [№6.С.14]

One of the most important events of the national anti-communist movement was the Kronstadt uprising (in the Soviet literature - the Kronstadt rebellion). It also broke out in one of the main foci of the past "revolutionary."

With the growth of movement in Petrograd, there was a quick growing and discontent in Kronstadt, the military fortress, whose garrison consisted of almost 27 thousand people. The movement here began with the collection of teams of Petropavlovsk battleships and Sevastopol on February 28, 1921. The sailors supported the requirements of Petrograd workers and for the sample of 1917 they chose the Military Revolutionary Committee. He was headed by sailor Stepan Petrichenko. The main requirements of "rebels" were: "Tips should become non-partisan and represent workers; Down with the careless life of the bureaucracy, the proportion of the bayonets and bullets of the Ochrichnikov, the serfdom of the commissionersport and government trade unions! " The fact of the Kronstadt uprising was hidden by the Bolsheviks for three days, and when it became impossible to be silent, he was declared an insurgency of one staffing general (Kozlovsky), prepared by the French counterintelligence. The Bolsheviks inspired that the hands of the Kronstadt "White Guards and the MonherNotens want to suffer a revolution." [№11.c.15]

1. The move of the uprising

The total number of ship teams, military sailors of the coastal parts, as well as land forces deployed in Kronstadt and for forts, was February 13, 1921, 26887 people - 1455 commanders, other ordinary. [№15.c.31]

They were worried from home, mostly from the village - there is no food, no manufactory, there is no volatile. Especially many complaints about such a situation came from sailors to the Baltflot Political Department of Baltflut in the winter of 1921.

On the afternoon of March 1, a rally was held on the Anchorine Square of Kronstadt, which gathered about 16 thousand people. The leaders of the Kronstadt naval base were calculated that during the rally they would be able to reverse the mood of the sailors and the soldiers of the garrison. They tried to convince the gathered to abandon political demands. However, by a majority participants supported the resolution of Linear Vehicles "Petropavlovsk" and "Sevastopol". [№5.c.34]

Petrichenko: "By performing the October Revolution in 1917, the workers of Russia hoped to achieve their full liberty and laid their hopes for a lot of promising Communist Party. What did the Communist Party, headed by Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev and others gave for 3.5 years? For three and a half years The Communists did not give its existence, and the complete enslavement of the personality of a person. Instead of the police-gendarm monarchism, they received every minute fear to get into the stands of the Epiphany, many times their horrors surpassed the Gendarmes of the Tsarist regime. "[№6.С.14]

The requirements of the Kronstadts, in the resolution adopted on March 1, were a serious threat to not the advice, but the monopolies of the Bolsheviks on political power. This resolution was, in essence, a call to the Government to comply with the rights and freedoms, proclaimed by the Bolsheviks in October 1917.

Izvestia about events in Kronstadt caused a sharp response of the Soviet leadership. The delegation of Kronstadts, who arrived in Petrograd to clarify the requirements of sailors, soldiers and work fortresses, was arrested. On March 4, the Labor and Defense Council approved the text of the government report on the events in Kronstadt, published on March 2 in newspapers. The movement in Kronstadt was announced by the "insurgency", organized by the French counterintelligence and the former Tsarist General Kozlovsky, and the resolution adopted by Kronstadts - the "black-and-esice". [№14.S.7]

On March 3, Petrograd and Petrograd province were declared on a siege position. This measure is aimed against the anti-Bolshevik demonstrations of St. Petersburg workers than against Kronstadt sailors.

Kronstadtsi sought open and vowels with the authorities, but the position of the last from the very beginning of the events was unambiguous: no negotiations and compromises, rebels should be cruelly punished. Parliamentarians who were directed by the rebels were arrested. The offer to exchange representatives of Kronstadt and Petrograd was left unanswered. A wide propaganda company was deployed in print, distinguished the essence of the events that did not have any idea that the uprising is the work of the hands of the royal generals, officers and mannefactants. Calls "disarming a bunch of gangsters", sowing in Kronstadt.

On March 4, in connection with the direct threats by the authorities, to deal with the Kronstadts VRK addressed military specialists - officers of the headquarters - with a request to help organize the defense of the fortress. March 5, the arrangement was achieved. Military specialists offered, without waiting for the storming of the fortress, go to the offensive themselves. They insisted on the seizure of Oranienbaum, sisterzka in order to expand the rebellion base. However, all offers are the first to start military actions of the VRK responded with decisive refusal. They suggested, without waiting for the storming of the fortress, go to the offensive itself. They insisted on the seizure of Oranienbaum, sisterzka in order to expand the rebellion base. However, all offers are the first to start military actions of the VRK responded with decisive refusal.

On March 5, an order is given to operational measures to eliminate "rebellion." The 7th Army was restored, under the command of Tukhachevsky, who was prescribed to prepare an operational plan of the assault and "in the shortest possible time to suppress the uprising in Kronstadt." The storming of the fortress was scheduled for March 8.

Meanwhile, the excitement in military units intensified. Red Army people refused to go to the assault of Kronstadt. It was decided to proceed to sending "unreliable" sailors to pass the service in other waters of the country, away from Kronstadt. Until March 12, 6 echelons were sent with sailors. [№13.S.88-94]

To make military units to come, the Soviet command had to resort not only for agitation, but also to threats. A powerful repressive mechanism is created, designed to reverse the mood of the Red Army. Unreliable parts disarmed and went to the rear, the instigators were shot. Sentences to the highest punishment "For the refusal to fulfill the combat task", "for desertion" followed one by one. They were put into execution immediately. For moral intimidation was shot publicly.

On the night of March 17, after the intense artillery shelling of the fortress, her new assault began. When it became clear that further resistance is useless and except for additional victims will not lead to anything, on the proposal of the defense defense headquarters, she decided to leave Kronstadt. Required the Finnish government, can it take the garrison of the fortress. After receiving a positive response, a departure began to the Finnish shore, provided by specially formed cover detachments. About 8 thousand people left Finland, among them the whole headquarters of the fortress, 12 out of 15 members of the "Revkoma" and many of the most active meter participants. Only Perepelkin, Vershin and Valk were detained from the members of the Revkoma.

By morning, March 18, the fortress was in the hands of the Red Army. The authorities hid the number of dead, missing, and wounded. [№5.S.7]

1. Residence and its consequences

Began to break over the garrison of Kronstadt. The stay in the fortress during the uprising was considered a crime. All sailors and redarmeys have passed through the Tribunal. Particularly severely painted with Sailors of Petropavlovsk battleships and Sevastopol. Already in favor of them was enough to be shot.

By the summer of 1921, 10001 people passed through the Tribunal: 2103 were convicted to shoot, 6447 were sentenced to different times and 1451 - although they were released, but the charge did not remove them.

Since the spring of 1922, a mass eviction of Kronstadt residents began. On February 1, the evacuation commission began work. Until April 1, 1923, she registered 2756 people, of whom "Kronzhent" and their family members - 2048, not related to their activities with a fortress - 516 people. The first batch of 315 people was sent in March 1922. In total, 2514 people were sent for the specified time, of which 1963 - as "Kronzhent" and their family members, 388 - as not related to the fortress. [№7.S.91] Chapter 2.Marotype of points of view on the Kronstadd Uprising of 1921

2.1. The point of view of "Bolsheviks"

Lenin in his speech at the X Congress of the RCP (b) said: "Two weeks before the Kronstadt events in the Paris newspapers, it was already published that in Kronstadt the uprising. It is clear that here the work of Serc and Foreign White Guards, and at the same time, the movement was made to the petty-bourgeois counterrevolution, to the petty-bourgeois anarchic element. There was an element of small-bourgeois, anarchic, with free trade slogans and always directed against the dictatorship of the proletariat. And this mood affected the proletariat very widely. It affected Moscow enterprises, it affected enterprises in a number of province points. This petty-bourgeois counterrevolution is undoubtedly more dangerous than Denikin, Yudenich and Kolchak combined, because we are dealing with the country where the proletariat is a minority, we are dealing with the country in which the ruin has discovered on peasant property, and besides, we We still have such a thing as the demobilization of the army, which has given the rebel element in an incredible amount. "

This explains the position of the Bolsheviks, but at the same time it shows that the deep contradictions that arose between the people, even a very prolifecy tuned during the October coup, will not be discussed even at the party congress, although they are understood by V.I. Lenin and other leaders of the Bolsheviks.

The fact that in the relationship of the party and the people there is something wrong, understood the most thoughtful of them. I will give a speech Alexandra Kollondty : "I would say straight that, despite our personal attitude towards Vladimir Ilyich, we cannot fail to say that his report has satisfied little ... We were waiting for in the party environment, Vladimir Ilyich will open, will show all the essence, says what measures The Central Committee accepts these events to be repeated. Vladimir Ilyich walked around Kronstadt and the question of St. Petersburg, and Moscow. " [№11. 101-106] Lenin intentionally understood the value of the uprising. In his interview with the newspaper New York Times, he said: "Believe me, only two governments are possible in Russia: royal or Soviet. The uprising in Kronstadt is really a completely insignificant incident, which is a much less threat to Soviet power than the Irish troops for the British Empire. [№11, p.101-106] Materials related to the period under consideration say that few of the Communists wanted to shed blood Sailors who presented the power of Lenin and Trotsky. And then the party sends to suppressing his commander. Here both Trotsky, and Tukhachevsky, and Yakir, and Fedko, and Voroshilov with Khmelnitsky, Sedyakin, Kazan, Putna, Fabrichius. But some red commanders are small. And then the party sends delegates to the congress and large parties. Here and Kalinin, and Bubnov, and the caston. A consolidated division is formed ... at the head of the consolidated division, the battlefield was appointed from the battlefield, expelled from the party for cowardice, the former chairman of the centrifalt Comrade Dybenko. On March 10, Tukhachevsky reports Lenin: "If the case was reduced to the uprising of sailors, it would be easier, but it is complicated by it worse than the fact that the workers in Petrograd are definitely not reliable." For the suppression of the rebellion, the Bolsheviks were ready for everything. This fratricide took place, thousands of sailors fled on ice to the Finnish border. Tips in Kronstadt were dispersed, instead of them, the military commandant and the "revolutionary triple" began to manage all the affairs. Rebel ships received new names. So, Petropavlovsk became "Marat", and "Sevastopol" - "Paris Communication". Finally, to put the last point in the case of the Kronstadt Evening, the winners have punished the anchor square, where the rebels gathered, renaming it into the area of \u200b\u200bthe revolution. [№15.c.31]

2.2. Point of view of "instigators"

The point of view of the "instigators" of the uprising clearly shows their appeal to the people. From the appeal of the population of the fortress and kronstadt:

"Comrades and citizens! Our country is experiencing a difficult moment. Hunger, cold, economic destroy keeps us in iron vice for three years. The Communist Party, the ruling country, broke away from the masses and was unable to withdraw it from the state of the overall destroy. With those unrest, which recently happened in Petrograd and Moscow and which clearly pointed out that the party lost the trust of the workers' masses, she was not considered. Not considered with the requirements that were presented by workers. She considers them to be a counterrevolution. She is deeply mistaken. These excitements, these requirements are the voice of the entire people, all workers. All workers, sailors and redarmeys are clear at the moment they see that only the common efforts, the general will of the workers can be given a country of bread, firewood, coal, to wear drunk and undressed and bring the republic from a dead end. This will of all workers, redarmeys and seafarers were definitely carried out on the garrison rally of our city on Tuesday on March 1. At this rally, the resolution of shipyards 1 and 2 brigades was unanimously adopted. Among the decisions made was the decision to make immediate re-election in the Council, the Interim Committee has a stay at Petropavlovsk battleship. Comrades and citizens! The Temporary Committee is concerned that there is no single drop of blood. They have been made emergency measures to organize in the city, fortresses and for Forts of the revolutionary order. Comrades and citizens! Do not interrupt the work. Workers! Stay from the machines, sailors and redarmeys in their parts and for forts. All Soviet workers and institutions continue their work. The Interim Revolutionary Committee calls on all workers' organizations, all workshops, all professional unions, all military and maritime parts and individuals to provide him with all-time support and assistance. [№14.c.18] Is there any, what to add to the position of "instigators"? In my opinion, everything here is extremely clear and does not require explanation. Only despair and hopelessness raised these people to fight with those. Who they erected to the top of the authorities, for the sake of whose ideas they destroyed their former state and hoped to build a new and fair in its place.

2.3. Point of view of Soviet and modern Russian historians

The first work, which opens the bibliography of this topic, is the special issue of the magazine of the Red Army "Military Knowledge", which appeared in less than six months after taking the rebellious fortress. In small in terms of volume, but very meaningful articles M. N. Tukhachevsky, P. E. Dybenko and other storming participants were brought by an extensive actual material, both documentary and memoir. The named collection did not lose its value up to the present. It is necessary to emphasize that the Military Specialists of the Red Army immediately estimated how important the study of the experience of a unique offensive operation under Kronstadt. At the end of the 30s - early 40s, several small books and articles in scientific periodicals appeared on the Kronstadt Mountain. In the post-war, up to the beginning of the 60s, the study of the Kronstadt rebellion almost almost did not receive a continuation. The only exception was the book I. Rotina, which appeared in the late 50s. The storming of the rebellious fortress is one of the most interesting pages in the chronicle of the Red Army - in connection with the periodization of the USSR, it went beyond the limits of the chronological framework of the Civil War, and even in our historiography of our historiography on this topic - the five-volume "history of the Civil War in the USSR" - No mention of fights under the kronstadt. This is definitely a space in the historiography of the Civil War in the USSR. [№6.c.324] And those few and fragmentary information that are found in Soviet historiography unambiguously called the events of February - March 1921 by the anti-Soviet counter-revolutionary insurgency, quite fairly suppressed by the Soviet government, since it was directed against the national authority and the working and peasant party . [№10. 47]. The fact that the truth about the Kronstadt Mountain was hidden in Soviet times, it is clear, but it is not very in demand and new Russia. I could not find a connected assessment of this event with modern authors. Is that in the book N. Starikov "Russian University of the XX century" the Kronstadsky rebellion is mentioned by a passion ...

Chapter 3. Conclusions: Kronstadt uprising of 1921: counter-revolutionary rebellion or displeasure of the people?

Against the politics of "Military Communism" with weapons in Ro-kak, the Red Armymen of Kronstadt was risen - the largest naval base of the Baltic Fleet, which was called "the key to Petrograd." On February 28, 1921, the crew of Lincher "Petropavlovsk" accepted the resolution with the call to raise the "Third Revolution", which would be expelled by the Uzur-Patifier and committed themselves with the commissar regime. "

Kronstadt sailors Baltflot were avant-garde and shock force of the Bolsheviks: they participated in the October coup, suppressed the uprising of Junkers of Military Schools of Petrograd, stormed the Moscow Kremlin and installed Soviet power in various cities of Russia. And these people were indignant to the fact that the Bolsheviks (who were believed) He brought the country to the edge of the National Catastrophe, in the country of destruction, 20% of the population of the country is starving, in separate regions, even the cannibalism was observed. Based on the studied sources and literature, I made an unequivocal conclusion for myself: the Kronstadt uprising of 1921 cannot be called a counter-revolutionary insurgency, it was definitely the highest point of the people of the people existing at that time by the authorities "Bolsheviks", their politics of "military communism" and the privacy, which led Clicking population. The Kronstadt uprising, together with the performances of workers and peasants in other parts of the country, testified to the deep economic and social crisis, the failure of the policies of "military communism". The Bolsheviks became clear that to save power it is necessary to introduce a new internal political course, aimed at meeting the requirements of the majority of the population - the peasantry. The truth about the Kronstadt uprising is a few, although the very fact that the rebellion against the Bolsheviks raised their guards - the sailors of Baltflot, would have to attract attention. In the end, it was the most people that before that they took the Winter Palace and arrested a temporary government, then with weapons installed in the hands of the Bolshevik authority in Moscow and accelerate the Constituent Assembly, and then the party was held as a commissioners in all the fronts of the Civil War . Until 1921, Lion Trotsky called the Kronstadt sailors "Pride and the Slava of the Russian Revolution".

Conclusion

For many decades, Kronstadt events were interpreted as a rebellion prepared by White Guards, Esrami, Mensheviks and Anarchists, who relied on active support for the imperialists. It was alleged that the actions of the Kronstadtsev were aimed at the overthrow of the Soviet power, the sailors of individual ships and a part of the garrison was attended by the mouset, which was at the fortress. As for the leaders of the party and the state, they did alleged everything to avoid bloodshed, and only after appeals to the soldiers and the fortress of fortress with a proposal to abandon their claims left without an answer, it was decided to apply violence. The fortress was taken by storm. At the same time, the winners remained extremely humane to the defeated. Events considered by us, documents and articles allow you to give a different look at the Kronstadt events. The Soviet leadership knew about the nature of the Kronstadt movement, its goals, leaders, that no active participation of ears, nor Mensheviki, nor the imperialists acted in it. However, objective information was carefully hidden from the population and instead of it proposed a falsified version that the Kronstadt events were the work of the hands of ECEROV, Mensheviks, White Guards and international imperialism, although it was not possible to find any data at this expense. In the requirements of Kronstadtsev, there was much greater importance to the elimination of the Bolshevik monopoly power. The punitive action against Kronstadt was supposed to show that any political reforms would not affect the foundations of this monopoly. The leadership of the party understood the need for concessions, including the replacement of the expersonal to the OLD, the permission of trade. These issues were the main requirement of Kronstadts. It seemed that the basis for negotiations was arising. However, the Soviet government rejected this possibility. If the X Congress of the RCP (b) opened on March 6, that is, the day appointed earlier, the turn declared on it in economic politics could change the situation in Kronstadt, affect the mood of the sailors: they were waiting for Lenin's speeches at the congress. Then, perhaps, I would not need the assault. However, such developments did not want events in the Kremlin. Kronstadt became for Lenin also tool with the help of which he gave persuasive requirements to eliminate any in-party struggle, to ensure the unity of RCP (b) and compliance with rigid in-party discipline. A few months after the Kronstadt events, he will say: "It is necessary to continue this public that is now for several decades about any resistance they do not dare and think" [№9. P. 57]

List of used literature

1. Waings V. Kronstadt: rebellion or uprising? // Science and Life.-1991.-№6.

2. Voroshilov K.E. From the history of the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion. // "Military Historical Journal", № 3, 1961.

3. Civil War in the USSR (in 2 TT.) / Call. Authors, ed. N. N. Azov. Volume 2. M., Milivdat, 1986.

4. Kronstadt tragedy of 1921 // Questions of history. - 1994. №4-7

5. Kronstadt tragedy of 1921: Documents (in 2 TT.) / Sost. I. I. Kudryavtsev. Tom I. M., Rosspan, 1999.

6. Kronstadt 1921. Documents. / Russia XX century. M., 1997.

7. Kronstadt rebellion. Chronos - Internet Encyclopedia;

8. Kuznetsov M. Rebellious general for miscarriage. // "Russian Gazette" of 08/01/1997.

9. Safonov V.N. Who provoked the Kronstadt rebellion? // Military Historical Journal. - 1991. - №7.

10. Semaanov S. N. Kronstadt rebellion. M., 2003.

11. Soviet military encyclopedia. T. 4.

12. Trifonov N., Souvenirova O. The defeat of the counter-revolutionary Kronstadt rebellion // "Military Historical Journal", No. 3, 1971.

13. Shishkin I. Kronstadt rebellion of 1921: "Unknown Revolution"? // Star. 1988. - №6.

Encyclopedia "Civil War and Military Intervention in the USSR" (2nd ed.) / Headfall., Ch. ed. S. S. Chromov. M.: Soviet Encyclopedia, 1987.

Internet resources:

www.bibliotekar.ru.

www.erudition.ru.

www.mybiblioteka.su/tom2/8-84005.html

www.otherreferats.allbest.ru/history ..

In the February Smolensk, Dokuchaev, adjutant commander of the Western Front, was looking for M. N. Tukhachevsky. Called from Moscow. Mikhail Nikolayevich urgently called the head of the Main Staff. He found, after long searches, leaving the local orphanage, to whom the warlord helped as they helped.

Bunth in the overtalk revolution

The cause of the call was excitement in one of the Oktyabrskaya Revolution of 1917, the fortress town on Kronstadt. By that time, there were completely different people there. For the fronts of the Civil War for three years, more than 40 thousand sailors of the Baltic Fleet took place. These were people most devoted to the "Case of Revolution." Many died. From the most significant figures, Anatoly Zheleznyakova can be called. Since 1918, the fleet began to recruit on voluntary principles. Most people who replenished the crews were peasants. The village has already managed to burst into slogans, which attracted Sellian to the side of the Bolsheviks. The country was in the hardest position. "Requires bread, you do not give anything in return," the peasants said so, and were right. Replenished parts of the Balflot and even more unreliable people. These were so-called "George" from Petrograd, members of various semicriminal groups. Discipline fell, cases of desertion. The grounds for discontent were: interruptions with food, fuel, outfit. All this facilitated the agitation of the Socialists and Foreign Power Agents. Under the cover of an American Red Cross employee in Kronstadt, a former commander of Lincher "Sevastopol" Vilken was arrived. He organized the delivery to the fortress from Finland Equipment and Food. It is this dreadnought that, along with Petropavlovsky and "Andrey and First Called," became the stronghold of the rebellion.

The beginning of the Kronstadd Uprising

Closer to the spring of 1921, the boss of the political waste was prescribed V.P. Gromov, an active participant in the October events of 1917. But it was too late. Especially since he did not feel support from the fleet commander F.F. Skolnikova, more busy with the unfolded controversy between V. I. Lenin and L. D. Trotsky, in which he spoke on the side of the latter. The situation has complicated the introduction from February 25 in Petrograd of the Commandant hour. Two days later, a delegation was returned from the city, consisting of a part of the seamen of two battleships. The twenty-eighth number of Kronstadtsy accepted the resolution. She was handed over to all the soldiers of the garrison and ships. This day is 1921 and can be considered the beginning of the uprising in Kronstadt.

Rise in Kronstadt: Slogan, rally

On the eve, the head of the fleet of Fleet Battis assured that discontent is caused by coincidences in the supply of food and refusal to provide holidays. Requirements, meanwhile, were mostly political. Re-election of the Soviets, the elimination of commissioners and political waste, the freedom of activity of socialist parties, the abolition of progroms. The influence of the peasant replenishment was expressed in points of granting freedom of trade and cancellation of the exversman. The rising of the sailors of Kronstadt took place under the slogan: "All the power of the Soviets, and not to the parties!" All attempts to prove that political requirements were inspired by the esters and agents of imperialist powers, success did not have. The rally on anchor square was not in favor of the Bolsheviks. The rising in Kronstadt occurred in March 1921

Expectation

Suppression of the rebellion of sailors and workers in Kronstadt was necessary not only for internal political reasons. The rebels, if they managed to be conceived, could open the passage to the kotlin the escaders of hostile states. And these were the sea gate to Petrograd. The "Defense Headquarters" was headed by the former Major General A. N. Kozlovsky and Captain E. V. Solovyanov served in the imperial army. They were obeyed by three lincars with twelve-piano guns, a Mine Barrel "Narva", a merger "to ride", artillery, rifle and engineering parts of the garrison. It was an impressive force: almost 29 thousand people, 134 heavy and 62 light guns, 24 anti-aircraft guns, as well as 126 machine guns. The uprising of Kronstadt sailors in March 1921 did not support only the southern forts. It must be borne in mind that for a two-year history, the sea fortress could not take anyone. Perhaps excessive self-confidence of the rebels in Kronstadt and failed. Initially, the troops, devotees of Soviet power, was not enough in Petrograd. If desired, Kronstadtsi could grabbed a bridgehead about Oranienbaum more than March 1-2. But they waited, counting to hold out before opening the ice. Then the fortress would be truly impregnable.

Under siege

The uprising of the sailors in Kronstadt (1921) became a surprise for the authorities of the capital, although they were repeatedly reported on a disadvantaged atmosphere in the city. The first number was arrested by the leaders of the Kronstadt Council and organized a temporary revolutionary committee headed by Esser Petrichenko. Of the 2680 communists, 900 came out of the RCP (b). One hundred and fifty political workers left the city unhindered, but the arrests were still passing out. Hundreds of Bolsheviks were in prisons. Only then followed the reaction from Petrograd. Kozlovsky and the whole of the "Defense Headquarters" announced out of law, and Petrograd and all the provisions were transferred to siege. The Baltic Fleet headed more loyal to power I. K. Leonov. The sixth of March began shelling the island from heavy guns. But eliminating the uprising in Kronstadt (1921) could only be stormed. There was a 10-kilometer march on ice under the fire and machine guns.

Hessed assault

Who commanded the suppression of the uprising in Kronstadt? In the capital hastily recreated the 7th Army of the Petrograd Military District. For the command, it was called from Smolensk who was coming to suppress the uprising in Kronstadt in 1921. To strengthen, he asked the 27th division to be familiar on the battles of the civil war. But she has not yet arrived, but the commander of the troops was almost unable. Nevertheless, the order had to be performed, that is, suppress the rebellion of sailors in Kronstadt as soon as possible. He arrived on the 5th, and at night from 7 on March 8, an attack began. Stood fog, then the blizzard rose. Use aviation and adjust shooting was impossible. And what could field guns against powerful, concreted fortifications? The north and southern groups of troops under the command of E.S. Kazan and A. I. Sedyakina. Although military school cadets managed to break into one of the forts, and part of special purpose even penetrated the city, the soldiers' martial spirit was very low. Some of them moved to the side of the rebels. The first assault ended in failure. It is significant that part of the soldiers of the 7th Army, as it turned out, sympathized with the uprising of sailors in Kronstadt.

Communists on the amplification

The anti-Bolshevik uprising in Kronstadt occurred after the victory over the Wegel in the Crimea. Baltic countries and Finland signed peace treaties with the country of councils. The war was counted won. Therefore, it became such a surprise. But the success of the rebels could completely change the balance of the forces. Because Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and considered him a greater danger than "Kolchak, Denikin and Yudenich combined." It was necessary for anything to end the rebellion, and before the opening of the ice cover of the Baltic. The guide to the suppression of the rebellion took on the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Mikhailovichi Tukhachevsky Division arrived. In addition, more than 300 delegates held in Moscow, the X Congress of the Party, arrived in Petrograd. The group of students of the academy also arrived among them were Voroshilov, Dybenko, Fabrichius. The troops strengthened more than 2 thousand proven communists. Tukhachevsky appointed a decisive assault on March 14. The term has adjusted the thaw. The ice was still kept, but the roads were removed, which made it difficult to bring ammunition. The attack was transferred to the 16th day. Soviet troops at the Petrograd coast by then reached 45 thousand people. At their disposal there were 153 guns, 433 machine guns and 3 armormen. Coming parts were provided by uniforms, issued camouflage bathrobes, scissors for cutting barbed wire. For carriage on the ice of ammunition, machine guns and wounded delivered sleigh and sowing of the most diverse design from all over the counties.

Falling fortress

In the morning of March 16, 1921, art preparation began. Bombed fortress and airplanes. From Kronstadt answered the firing of the shore of the Finnish Bay and Oranienbaum. On the ice fighters of the 7th Army stepped on the night of March 17. It was difficult to go on loose ice, besides, the darkness spotlight was highlighted. I had to fall and press the ice. Nevertheless, the attacking parts were found only at 5 o'clock in the morning, when they were already almost in the "dead zone", where shells did not reach. But in the city there were enough machine guns. Multi-meter, formed after breaking shells, had to twist. It was especially difficult on the approach to Fort No. 6, where Fugasi blew up. But the redarmeys still mastered the so-called Petrograd gates and broke into Kronstadt. The cruel battle lasted the whole day. The forces of the advancing and defending were on the outcome, like ammunition. By 5 o'clock in the day of the Red Guards, pressed to the edge of the ice. The outcome of the case decided the 27th and subcomprofitts of the St. Petersburg Communist Asset. On the morning of October 18, 1921, the final suppression of the uprising in Kronstadt occurred. Time, while there were fighting at the shore, many organizers of the uprising took advantage. Members of the temporary revolutionary committee almost fully fled on ice in Finland. A total of 8 thousand rebels managed to leave.

Repression

The first issue of the "Red Kronstadt" newspaper came out less than every other day. The journalist, in the 1930s, also did not avoid repression, Mikhail Koltsov glorified the winners and promised the grief to "trait and traitors." With the assault, almost 2 thousand red-Armenians died. The rebels during the suppression of the uprising in Kronstadt lost over 1 thousand people. In addition, 2 thousand 100 people sentenced to the execution, not counting the shot without any sentence. In Sestroretsk and Oranienbaum, many civilians died from bullets and shells. The conclusion was sentenced more than 6 thousand people. Many of those who did not participate in the management of the conspiracy were amnestied by the 5th anniversary of the October Revolution. The victims could be larger, but the uprising in Kronstadt (1921) did not support the mine squad. Whether the ice around the forts is polished by mines, everything would be different. Also, the Petrograd Council of the Working Shipping Plant and some other enterprises remained correct.

Kronstadt: Residence of the Uprising Sailors in March 1921

Despite the defeat, the rebels achieved the fulfillment of some of their claims. The Central Committee of the Party made conclusions from Blood Bunt in the overtance of the revolution. Lenin called this tragedy by the revolving side of the poor position of the country, first of all the peasants. This can be called one of the most important outcome of the uprising in Kronstadt (1921). It was aware of the need to achieve a stronger cohesion of workers and peasants. To do this, it was necessary to improve the position of the wealth of the population of the village. The middle peasantry carried the most tangible losses from the privacy. Soon she was replaced by the extended. There was a sharp turn from military communism to a new economic policy. She implied some freedom of trade. V. I. Lenin himself called it one of the most important lessons of Kronstadt. The "proletariat dictatorship" ended, the new era comes.

You can talk about the cruelty of the era of "Military Communism" and many who have implemented this policy. But it is impossible to deny that the rebellion in the sea fortress would be used not only for changing the political course in Russia. Squaders of many countries were ready to go out into the sea at the first news about the success of the rebellion. After the commissioning of Kronstadt, Petrograd would be defenseless. We are indisputable and the heroism of the redarmeys during the assault. There was no shelter on the ice. Protecting heads, fighters put machine-gun boxes and sleds. If powerful spotlights were used as it should, the Finnish Bay would become the grave of thousands of soldiers of the Red Army. From the memories it is known how he behaved during the attack before the end of the decisive throw everyone saw a man's walking forward in a black Caucasian beam. With Mauser, defenseless in front of hundreds of powerful guns, he raised his example into a decisive attack lay on the ice infantry chains. The 19-year-old secretary of the Ivanovo-Voznesensky Sponge of the Komsomol Feigin was also killed. The opposite can be said about the rebels. Not everyone was confident that their business is right. No more than a quarter of sailors and soldiers joined the uprising. The garrisons of the southern forts supported the fire of the arrival 7th army. The entire naval parts of Petrograd and the crews of the ships that were wintering on the Neva remained faithful to Soviet power. The leadership of the uprising acted hersally, waiting for help after the disappearance of ice. The composition of the "temporary revolutionary committee" was heterogeneous in composition. ECER PETRICHENKO, who was once a petlumber, headed, and as part of a former gendarmerie officer, a large house owner and Mensheviks. No distinct solutions to these people were not able to take.

The experience of the underground work of many communists arrested on the island has played its role. In conclusion, they managed to release their handwritten newspaper, and they denied the assertions about the collapse of the Bolsheviks, which were filled with a newspaper, issued on behalf of the Kronstadt "Revkoma". During the first assault on V. P. Gromov, who commanded the battalions of a special purpose, he managed to get into the city in a turmoil and agreed with underground workers about further actions. The garrison of Kronstadt turned out to be isolated and did not receive support in other military units. And this is despite the fact that their leaders did not oppose Soviet power. Wanted to use the form of tips for the overthrow of power. Then, the advice themselves would be eliminated. The indecision of the Petrograd authorities in the first days was caused not only by confusion. Manyheads against power were not rare. Tambov province, Western Siberia, North Caucasus are just some regions where the peasants with a weapon in their hands met the prospects. And to feed the cities, condemning the hunger of the peasants, still failed. The biggest missions in the capital amounted to 800 grams of bread. Zagratryadiy blocked roads and caught speculators, but in the city still flourished trade from under the floor. Rallies and demonstrations workers took place in the city and until March 1921. Then it cost without blood and arrests, but discontent grew. And in the Petrograd Council, the struggle for the management of the already infected rebellious spirit of the fleet was followed. Powers could not divide Trotsky and Zinoviev.

The Kronstadt Uprising Matrosov in March 1921 became the last and most powerful argument in favor of revising the policies of "military communism". Already on March 14, the privacy was canceled. Instead of 70% of the grain, the peasants began to take only 30% in the form of an extended. Private entrepreneurship, market relations, foreign capital in the Soviet economy - all this was forced, in many respects improvisational measure. It was March of the first year of the second decade of the 20th century that was time when the transition to a new economic policy was proclaimed. This has become one of the most successful economy reforms in the history of the country. And the sailors of the main sea fortress of the country played their independent role in this.

anti-Bolshevik uprising in the main base of the Baltic Fleet, Kronstadt fortress,
where ship teams were placed,
coastal parts and auxiliary seafarers units with a total number of more than 26 thousand people.
The uprising, held under the slogan "Power to Soviets, and not Party!",
immediately it was the focus of the attention of the Bolshevik leadership.

1921. Stepan Petrichenko (indicated by the arrow) among the participants of the uprising

At the end of the civil war, the situation in Russia sharply aggravated. A significant part of the peasantry and workers not only was openly protested against the monopoly of the Bolsheviks on political power, but also attempts to eliminate the power of weapons. Perturbation caused the arbitrariness of the Bolsheviks under the slogan approval of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and in fact, the dictatorship of the party.

In the late 1920s - early 1921, the armed uprisings of the peasants swept Western Siberia, Tambov, Voronezh province, the Middle Volga region, Don, Kuban, Ukraine, Central Asia. The situation in cities became increasingly explosive. There was not enough food, many plants and factories were closed due to lack of fuel and raw materials, workers found out on the street.

Unrest in Petrograd, speeches in other regions of the country had a serious impact on the sentiment of sailors, soldiers and workers of Kronstadt. Sailors of Kronstadt, who were the main support of the Bolsheviks in the October Days of 1917, one of the first to understand that the Soviet government was essentially replaced by the authorities of the party, and the ideals for which they fought were devotees.

On February 28, the sailors of Linear Ships "Petropavlovsk" and "Sevastopol" adopted a resolution, which was submitted to discuss representatives of all ships and military units of the Baltic Fleet. The resolution, in essence, was the requirement to comply with the rights and freedoms, proclaimed in October 1917. She did not contain calls for the overthrow of the government, and was directed against the All-Russian Communist Party.

Martial ships "Petropalvlovsk" and "Sevastopol" in the port of Kronstadt

Kronstadtsy demanded the elimination of the "autocracy of the Communists".

In the afternoon of March 1, a rally took place on the Anchorine Square of Kronstadt, which gathered about 16 thousand people. His participants in the overwhelming majority of votes supported the resolution of the Sailors of Petropavlovsk battleships and Sevastopol.

Immediately after the rally, a meeting of the party committee of the Communists of the Fortress was held, at which the issue of the possibility of armed suppression of supporters of the adopted resolution was discussed.

On March 2, the Delegate Collection of Representatives gathered at the House of Enlightenment of Kronstadt. The main at the meeting was the issue of re-election of the Kronstadt Council. By a majority vote, the meeting expressed the mistrust of the Communists, calling them to voluntarily refuse power.

Suddenly a message was received that the Communists of the Fortress prepare for resistance. In this regard, it was decided to urgently create a temporary revolutionary committee (VRC) to maintain order in Kronstadt, at the head of which elected at the meeting of the Presidium in the amount of 5 people and the chairman of the Delegate Assembly, the head of the VRC of the Kronstadt Uprising - Senior British from Lincard Petropavlovsk Stepan Maksimovich Petrichenko (1892 - 1947).

Power in Kronstadt without a single shot passed into the hands of Revkoma. This was facilitated by the collapse of the Bolshevik cells of the military and civilian organizations of Kronstadt. The exit from the party continued until the last storming of the fortress, when it was already clear that the precipitated are doomed.
Revda assumed the preparation of elections to the Council by secret voting, providing the right to participate in them and conduct free agitation to all the political forces of the socialist orientation.

Izvestia about events in Kronstadt caused a sharp response of the Soviet leadership. The delegation of Kronstadts, who arrived in Petrograd to clarify the requirements of sailors, soldiers and work fortresses, was arrested.

On March 4, the Labor and Defense Council approved the text of the Governmental Message. The Kronstadt movement was announced by the "rebellion" organized by the French counterintelligence and former Tsarist General Kozlovsky (commanding artillery of the fortress), adopted by Kronstadts resolution - "Black-and-Etherowskaya".

On March 3, Petrograd and province were declared on a siege. This measure was directed rather against possible demonstrations of St. Petersburg workers than against Kronstadt sailors.

The authorities were preparing for the power of weapons to suppress the uprising. In the morning of March 3, in all parts, an order was sent to the ships of the Baltic Fleet, in which all commissioners were prescribed on the ground; The meeting was prohibited in the presence of unauthorized persons; All those noticed in agitation against Soviet power were arrested. The authorities took steps to isolate the Kronstadt from the outside world, closing access to Petrograd sailors and the redarmeys of the fortress.

On March 5, an order was given to operational measures to eliminate the "rebellion". The 7th Army under the command of M. N. Tukhachevsky was restored, who was prescribed to prepare an operational plan of the assault and in the "shortest term to suppress the uprising in Kronstadt." The storming of the fortress was scheduled for March 8.

Hope for a quick defeat of the uprising on the day of the opening of the congress was not justified. Large losses, punitive troops retreated to the original frontiers. One of the reasons for this failure was walking in the moods of the Red Army; It came to direct disobedience and performances in support of Kronstadt. The unrest in military units intensified, the redarmeys refused to go to the storming of the fortress, the appeals "beat the communists" sounded.

The authorities were afraid that the uprising will reinstate the entire Baltic fleet. To force military units to come, the command had to resort to repression and threats. Unreliable parts were disarmed and sent to the rear, and those who were considered by the instratchors were publicly shot.

On the night of March 16, after the intensive artillery shelling of the fortress, her new assault began. When it became clear that further resistance was useless, on the proposal of the defense defense headquarters, she decided to leave Kronstadt to Finland. After a positive response from Finland, a departure began to the Finnish shore. About 8 thousand people and almost all members of the Kronstadt VRK and the defense headquarters managed to move the border.

Red Army Attacks Kronstadt on the Ice of the Finnish Bay

By morning, March 18, the fortress was in the hands of the Bolsheviks. Began to break over the garrison of Kronstadt. The stay in the fortress during the uprising was considered a crime. There were several dozen open trials. Particularly severely disappeared with Sevastopol and Petropavlovsk battleships.

By the summer of 1921, 2103 people were sentenced to the shooting and to various sentences of 6459 people. In addition, the spring eviction of Kronstadt residents began with the spring of 1922.

The Soviet leadership was informed about the nature of the Kronstadt movement, its goals, leaders, that neither the Esters, nor Mensheviks, nor foreign forces took part in it. However, objective information was carefully hidden from the population, and instead, a falsified version was proposed that the Kronstadt events were allegedly the hands of ECEROV, Mensheviks, White Guards and international imperialism. The official version of the authorities expects to confirm the facts during a large-scale public process over the "rebels". It was assumed that, along with the leaders of the uprising, the testimony will be given persons associated with Western intelligence, and representatives of opposition parties. As the main accused, the Chairman of the VRC Petrichenko and General Kozlovsky should be made. However, the main figures did not manage to arrest, and the process never took place.

The remaining participants of the Kronstadt events later repeatedly repristed again.

In the 1990s, their condemnation was recognized unreasonable, and they were rehabilitated.

Kronstadt. Eternal flame

The Kronstadt rebellion has long been part of the mythology of anti-Authority Left - as allegedly the possibility of another path of the Russian revolution, without the Bolshevik dictatorship and hardness. Here even in the photo as modern Russian anarchists see those events.

This is already a long tradition, another 1968 Parisian leftovers loved themselves to call themselves the heirs of Kronstadt (and at the same time, Mao, whose anti-authority, anyone who knows the history of the Chinese revolution and Maoist PRC, causes some bewilderment - but levaks are often bad with knowledge of history).

This article, which appeared on the most gloomy time of modern Russian historical science, when the authors after the collapse of Soviet socialism were diligently transferred and turned out yesterday's estimates for purely opposite, curious the fact that the entire fact was wanted by the author or not, confirms that there is no "other way " did not have. Or Bolsheviks - or white generals who will come after the temporary political cover of counter-revolution in the form of Mensheviks, Socialists and Anarchists ("Tips without Communists").

Interestingly, in the development of events in Russia after 1991, paradoxically confirmed the rightness of Lenin - no democracy was built and could not succeed, and a quasimonarchic state arose with a support for extremely right values, up to the most rented and obscurantic, while attempting Absorb the indisputable achievements of the Soviet period.

"Bulletin of Moscow University". Ser.: 8. History. 1995. № 3. Received 22.04.1994

In the spring of 1921, an event, like a leader of the ruling communist party, occurred in Russia. Lenin "Zipper", freshen "reality brighter than anything" 1. It is about the uprising on the island of Kotlin, where the city-fortress Kronstadt was located - the largest base of the Baltic Fleet 2. This is an uprising that flashed under the slogan "Power to the Soviets, and not to the Party!", Immediately turned out to be the focus of attention of the Bolshevik leadership, and his lessons gave a rich material for well-known principal solutionsauthorities.

For those who have passed since the distant poray, the interest in the dramatic events on the island of Kotlin did not fade in our country, nor abroad, limited, however, the circles of politicians and historians 3. The decree of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. followed in January 1994 Yeltsin about the complete rehabilitation of the participants of the Kronstadt uprising and the erection of the monument again attracted the attention of the general public.

The basis for the Decree was the extensive final report on the Kronstadt events of the Commission under the President of Russia for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression, prepared on the basis of the study of sources from the Archive of the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation, the Russian Center for Storage and Study. Documents of the Newest History, State Military Archive, Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation 4 .

The rebellion in Kronstadt is fairly considered in the report against the background of a comprehensive crisis that covered Soviet Russia in early 1921. "A significant part of the peasantry and workers is noted in the document - even during the Civil War, remaining in the position of supporting the authorities of the Soviets, everything definitely protested against the increasing monopoly of the Bolsheviks into political power. In the late 1920s - early 1921, armed uprisings embraced Western Siberia, Tambov, Voronezh province, the Middle Volga region, Don, Kuban. By the spring of 1921, the uprisings were actually gone throughout the country. The situation in cities was becoming increasingly explosive ... On rallies and meetings, political demands that affect the foundations of the existing regime were increasingly advanced.

"The sailors of Kronstadt, who were known, the main support of the Bolsheviks in the October Days of 1917, is referred to in the report, - among the first, they understood that there was essentially the substitution of the Soviet authority by the authorities of the party, and the ideals for which they fought turned out to be devotees. " On February 26, Kronstadtsi sent a delegation to Petrograd, and after her return to the island, they carried their resolution. She "was, in essence, the appeal to abide by the rights and freedoms, proclaimed during the revolution. It did not have conscripts for the overthrow of the government, it was sent only against the All-Russian Bolsheviks. " And yet, according to the authors of the report, the Kronstadt masses were forced to stand on the path of an open armed uprising due to the position ... Communist tops outlined in the government report of March 2. "Announced the Kronstadt motion of a rebellion, organized by French intelligence and former general Kozlovsky, and the resolution adopted by Kronstadtsy, the Black-Suniversity, the Bolsheviks took into account the then psychology of the masses and above all workers. Their main part is extremely negative, referred to attempts to restore the monarchy. Therefore, one mention of the Tsarskoy General, and the Entente even associated with the imperialists should have discredited the action of Kronstadts and their program. " Then the Communists, tightening the troops and reliably blocking the island of Kotlin, brutally suppressed the uprising of freedom-loving kronstadts.

In general, these. The provisions of the final report correspond to the current level of historical understanding of Kronstadt events, although in some cases there are clarifications. Thus, the acute discontent of the people in early 1921 caused not only the "growing monopoly of the Bolsheviks on political power", but also mainly the economic policy of the authorities, known as "Military Communism". By the end of the Civil War in the eyes of the overwhelming majority of the population, in addition to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe monarchy and the image of the royal generals, and the slogan of the Constituent Assembly, together with the actively defending it with moderate socialists (by the Esrami and Mensheviks). In Kronstadt, by March 1921, there were no sailors in October 1917. The main support of the Bolsheviks in October 1917, and the green youth, recruited in 1920 from rural areas of the South of Russia and Ukraine (this is documented by respect to more than 10 thousand . Sailors and redarmeys from the general, the number of ordinary servicemen at 17 thousand people) 5.

It should be especially highlighted at one of the central points of the final report - on the role in the emergence of the Kronstadt uprising and its development of anti-Bolshevik political forces, i.e., those people who deliberately made the choice in favor of the elimination of Soviet-communist power in Russia and actively prepared for the resumption of struggle With it in conditions when the "white case" was defeated.

The authors of the report are fully solidarized here with the conclusion of the leader of the investigation, the particularly illuminated VCHK Ya.S. Agromov and refer solely on his report. "Kronstadt movement, - I wrote Agranov in April 1921, - emerged by the spontaneous way and was an unorganized uprising of the sailor and working mass ... The task of my investigation was to find out the role of individual parties and groups in the emergence and development of the uprising and communications of the organizers and inspirationors of this uprising with counter-revolutionary parties and organizations acting on territory of Soviet Russia and abroad. But I failed to install such connections. "

Conclusion Ya.S. Agrianova could hardly be different, because the chairman of Petrogradskaya CC N.P. The mosquitoes, who began this investigation along the hot pursuit, unequivocally stated at the end of March 1921 - Chekists are not able to clarify the backstage history of Kronstadt events, because the main leaders of the uprising managed to hide abroad 6. Thus, the Archive of the Chechkis in principle cannot help in learning such a difficult question and need to contact another repositorysources concluding MN the zeal of the secrets, unknown, neither to the then security officers, nor modern special services, - based by the emigrants in Prague, the Russian foreign historical archive (now its funds are in the State Archive of the Russian Federation).

Pressurely include the authors of the report and to another important conclusion of a particularly affordable HCHK - that "the uprising ... almost all population and garrison of the fortress in his whirlpool." At the same time, it is overlooked from the form that such a conclusion was required to be required to substantiate mass repression against all those who were simply in March Days in Kronstadt and later could tell the truth about what they saw there. Attempts to indicate the lack of unity in the ranks of the Kronstadt movement, to the refusal of many thousands of military personnel and civilian citizens with weapons in the hands of protecting the rebellious island definitely qualifies in the report as "false". And in general, all that happened during the uprising period in Kronstadt itself, around him in the country and abroad in the report is practically not covered, as there is no and desire to comprehend these tragic events in a wider historical context.

The only place in the document, at least somehow claims to be generalized, is as follows: "The truth about the Kronstadt" Mountains "... It trials the version that the practice of bloody massacre, concentration camps, hostages, executions without trial and investigation, massive deportations of the civilian population And other crimes of the regime established in the country began and bloomed only under Stalin. No, even then, in Kronstadt, techniques and methods of repression were tested, which were widely used by the Bolshevik authorities in the following decades. But here it is impossible to stay from the comment: in vain the authors of the report are trying to attribute the palm of the championship in the "practice of bloody dissection" by a long-suffering Kronstadt. Now it is well known that in fact all the listed "techniques and methods of repression" were "tested" by the Bolsheviks (as, however, both white generals) long before the massacre with Kronstadts - in the first few months of the Civil War in Russia.

The above encourages to invite readers again to turn the pages of that long-standing tragic history. The main benefits will be the documents learned from dozens of archival affairs, where under the storing "Store forever", the yellowed intelligence officers from the rebellious fortress, protocols of interrogation of the rebells of the rebells, the secret reports of the agents of the emigrant centers, the correspondence of the leaders of the anti-Bolshevik parties, etc. .

Let's start with the question that does not have, at first glance, directly related to our topic:

Was there a white underground in Petrograd in 1921?

In August 1921, the Presidium of the Chechkus published a sensational "report on disclosure in Petrograd of the conspiracy against Soviet power." It said the liquidation of "several combat counter-revolutionary organizations", "soldered by the general connections and the tactical association of their foreign centers,rejection in Finland". The most significant of them was, according to the NEW, the so-called Petrograd combat organization. He headed her Professor V.N. Tagansev, former Colonel V.G. Swedes and "Agent of foreign intelligence" Yu.P. Hermann. This "single conspiratorial front" from the end of 1920 was preparing an uprising in Petrograd and surrounding areas by the time of the sale of the OLDF, i.e., by the fall of 1921

Now the "message" of the Chechkis is almost unanimously regarded as another malicious "hoaxy of the Bolshevik special services." But is it really? Let's try to search the response to sources independent from the HCC, namely, in the archives, the largest military-political organizations of the Russian emigration, which aims to continue the case, who fell out of the hands of the leaders defeated by the time of the White Army: armed struggle with the Bolshevik authorities. This is the Social Administrative Center (executives - A.F. Kerensky, N.D.Avaxiev , V.M. Zenzinov et al.), People's Union of Protection of Motherland and Freedom (B.V. Savinkov, D.M. Odinny, B.A. Jerins, etc.), Cadet-Enesovsky Center Action (N.V. Tchaikovsky, N.K. . Volkov, I.P. Demidov, A.V. Kartashov et al.), Cadet Monarchic National Center (A.I. Guccov, F.I. Rodichiev, PB Struve, M.M. Fedorov, etc. ).

Even from a quick viewing of the entire combination of archival documents of these organizations 7, we can conclude: in 1921 they conducted active anti-Soviet activities from the territory of Finland, that is, in close proximity to Petrograd. The NC Department in Helsingfors (Helsinki) was headed by a member of the Central Committee of Cadets, a representative of General P.N. Wrangel in Finland D.D. Grimm and G.I. Novitsky, who in 1919 was an authorized NC under the general H.N. Yudenic. They also represented the interests of the center of action. An independent department of CD in Helsingfors appeared after arrival at the beginning of March 1921, Colonel H.N. Haded. A prominent role in the white circles of Helsingfors, the captain of the 1st rank Baron P.V. Wilken, the leader of the marine officer organization and the primary emigrant Russian Russian Society of the Red Cross in Finland G.F. Zeidler, together with his assistant General Yu.A. Javit. Resident of the Savinkovsky People's Union was Colonel G. E. Elvengren, and Emissary of the Socialist AC - I.M. Brushvit.

Now for more detailed analysis, take three groups of conspiracy emigrant sources.

The first is the documents of the archive of the center of action 8. Here, the retrospective "note-memo on CD" and the letter H.N. appear here. Hucks - unusual for a conspiractive worker on frankness (for which he, by the way, has repeatedly gained a catching from his chief N.V. Tchaikovsky). These documents confirm the existence of Petrograd underground and report some valuable details. In particular, it turns out that his leading core was the local branch of the National Center (most likely, it was the name of the air defense for the summer of 1921). All information from Petrograd flocked in Helsingfors, in the hands of G.I. Novitsky. He processed her and passed to Paris.

Small Tolik of this information asslaved and directly in the archive of CD,whereas of the end of 1920, the beginning of 1921 were of particular interest about Baltflote with carefully collected data on ships, their combat capability, reports of admission to Petrograd fuel, food and its reserves, about the movement of military echelons, information about re-equipment of fortified areas. There is also a part of typewritten copies of reports from the leaders of Petrogradsky underground. One of them has a clear indication of the addressee: "Helsingfor Division of the NC".

The second group of sources includes the originals of letters for February - July 1921 of prominent figures of Russian foreign organizations, closely connected with Petrograd illegals: Generals A.V. Vladimirova and Yu.A. Javit, Professor G. F. Zeidler, Ya.S. Balund et al. 9 Unlike N.N. They were pleased with the experienced conspirators and did not mention the vites of any names (except perhaps the name of the officer Yu.P. Herman after his death when crossing the Soviet-Finnish border in June 1921). Nevertheless, these documents definitely establish the availability of "white organizations" in Petrograd, engaged in the preparation of the uprising. Later letter of Lieutenant V.N. Skusipers - a trusted face of a not expentable B.L. Burtseva in Gelsingfors - makes additional strokes. He reported to Paris that "about the conspiracy of Tagansev ... few people knew, and the organization itself was weak," but after her defeat "Conspiracy was inflated," including the "many completely innocent people" condispirators, dismissal authorities 10.

The third group of emigrant materials constitute confidential papers of NSZRIS, including an anonymous report of the Savinkov agent "On events in Petrograd and Kronstadt in February - March 1921", dated April of the same year. By simple archival spanings, you can accurately establish the name of the author of the report. They were Colonel G.E. Elvengren. He begins with an indication that "In Petrograd, an organization has already worked for training in", and continues further: "This organization has united in itself (or, or rather, coordinated) actions of numerous (I know nine), completely separate, independent groups, Which, every by itself, was preparing for a coup. These groups in most cases are a purely military (combat) organization ", and" most of them in politically costs definitely at the point of view of non-party. There are also small groups led by figures of different political parties "11.

As you can see, well-informed emigrants in one voice indicate that some part of Petrogradtsev, mainly from among the intellectuals, did not accept the Bolshevik dominion and did not regret life in the fight against him. In the name of what purpose?

It is clear from the sources that most Petrograd Conspirators adhered to redeveloped orientation. To understand its essence, you should look at the protocols of the last general history meeting, which took place in May 1921 in Paris. In the speeches of the right part of its participants, the condemnation of not only the October Revolution sounded, but also the Revolution of the February, which unleashed, in their opinion, "the disastrous element" of folk speeches. The will of the people, emphasized there A.V. Kartashev, there is "Will Pathological, destructive"; possessing such will, "people would still kill us, dmoreover of the EU would we be fighting the Bolsheviks in white gloves. " Right-world cadets expressed their readiness to go to the most extreme measures in the "curb of the folk element", up to the military dictatorship 12. Similar thoughts and head of the Helsingfo Department of the NC Professor D.D. Grimm. "I do not understand what democratic reforms are," he said on the days of the Kronstadt uprising in a frank conversation with Colonel N.N. Hope. - without solid power, without rigoring over the sucked people, nothing can be done "13.

Nevertheless, the paradoxical ways of politicians of the Publishing and monarchic orientations were uncontrollably pulled, albeit temporarily, on the "destructive will of the people", it was worth it to enter the acute conflict with the Communist Government, and the pure "white case" suffer a complete defeat. Soviet Russia, directly formulated his credo at the interrogation in VCHK V.N. Tagantev, it is impossible to crush the creation of new white fronts, its "need to rebel" 14.

To this thought, the leaders of the White Underground made the deepening of the crisis in Soviet Russia, the growth of political fermentation in the layers of the Company, before serving the support of power, anti-Bolshevik peasant uprisings, information about which they were carefully collected and sent for Cordon. "The blind despair, to whom we were ready to indulge in November and December (1920)," Petrograd's conspirators wrote to Helsingfors, "began to replace the hope of rapid change, for the fall of Bolshevism from his inner weakness. The idea of \u200b\u200bintervention, of course, nothing but laughing, we did not excite ... But the greater the importance of the inner front was acquired. We clearly realized that we could not change the psychology of the people, as we cannot even change ourselves, feel free from the oppression. But in January, we suddenly experienced a shift "15.

In an effort not to miss the moment and use in our own interests clearly outlined in the "psychology of the people" a shift aside from the support of the Communist Government, V.I. Taganz and his like-minded people were ready to take into service popular then in the workers' masses of the slogan "non-partisan", "free"Soviets - i.e., the Soviets are elinied by secret re-election in freedom of agitation from the overwhelming Bolshevik dictate. True, the accuracy of the sake of, it should be noted that such a tactical change in the "ideological equipment" of the future performances occurred mainly after the uprising in Kronstadt and under the influence of his lessons.

Petrograd underground and kronstadt

The curtain of deep secrets above the question was whether the cell of the Petrograd underground block was in Kronstadt, neither interrogations of the arrested rebels were not opened, nor the testimony of the participants in the participants of Tagansev. Moreover, from the statements of the latter: the fortress on the island of Kotlin did not interest them at all. They confessed to those who had planned their speech at the end of the summer of 1921. By that time, in Kronstadt, the rebellion of the uprising had already had a defeat. The measures taken by the authorities excluded any attempts towhose garrison of the sea fortressin a new anti-Bolshevik enterprise.

And here again to the rescue comes the report. Elvengrena. First of all, it makes clarity on the time of the time originally planned by the speech of the anti-Bolshevik forces: "Since in Petrograd, it is possible to make food at the present position of transport, and the security of the city is now after the food coup is recognized as absolutely mandatory to avoid anarchy and ensure success, And it is considered a prerequisite for the start of the opening of navigation (late April). " From here, the fundamental importance of establishing control over the marine gates of Petrograd - Kronstadt. And it further emphasizes the Savinkovsky agent, the Petrograd underground center "persuaded", tied up the term of general performance with the anti-Soviet group, acting on the island of Kotlin.

Some details of the plan of white conspirators can be learned from the "Report notes on the organization of the uprising in Kronstadt", found in the late 60s by the American historian P. Avrich in the Russian archive at Columbia University among the secret securities of the National Center 16. The time of drawing up this document refers to the beginning of 1921

The author of the "Reporting Notes" is an anonymous agent of the NC (according to P. Avrich, it was G.F. Zeidler) reports about the activities on Kotlin "Closely soldered group of energetic organizers of the uprising", already "able to take the most decisive shares" during the "Coming Spring. But immediately indicates that Russian Anti-Bolshevik Organizations are not able to independently ensure the proper stability of the rebel regime in Kronstadt after the coup. That is why the author considers it necessary to "seek help to the Government of France", for otherwise the uprising will be "doomed to failure." In his opinion, French circles need not only to establish the food and financial supply of rebels, but also "in perhaps the most strongest period to ensure arrival in Kronstadt French, warships, as well as army and naval compounds gene. Wrangel. At the same time, the Vrangelev command was "automatically" to move all the fullness of power in the fortress.

In the emigrant documents there are no clear information about the Kronstadt underground. Only anonymous "notes of the rebellion participant", placed in April 1921, one of the officers of the fortress in the Revevskaya magazine "Fees", is called members of the illegal group of senior writer Linkar "Petropavlovsk" S.M. Petrichenko. The fact that Petrichenko could enter this group does not exclude the American historian P. Avrich.

Pisara S. M. Petrichenko was soon destined to head the rebellious Kronstadt. Therefore, it is worth meeting this man closer. Of the information obtained in the first days of the uprising by the command of Baltflut from the persons who knew him well, it turns out that Petrichenko, the sailor of 1913 service, was in its political views "socialist for the season": and Ester, and an anarchist, then a communist, and by March 1921, non-partisan 17. Extremely curious evaluation of emigrant figures, introduced to Petrichenko in Finland after suppressing the uprising. According to Esra I.I. Yakovleva, he "possessed undoubted organizational abilities" and during the events "showed an understanding of mass psychology." The fact that the former head of the Kronstadt Insurgents "In general, a person close to us on the views," the leader of Enesov N.V. noted in the circle of his associates Tchaikovsky. Otherwise, Petrichenko Ester I. M. Brushvit said: "Although our comrades argue that he has porridge in his head, but, in my opinion, this is an extremely deft person. It produces a completely intelligent impression and with a perfect understanding speaks to political topics; But if you try to make more specific notes in the conversation - it is instantly alarming and extremely deftly turns away from direct answers. " As if the generalizing these and others, sometimes unflattering reviews about the personality of the writer, the former Minister of the White North-Western Government Cadet K.A. Alexandrov stated: "Sailor Stepan Petrichenko - the figure is quite typical for the time experienced. A big ambition, who erected at the Bolshevik slogans ... A person, in achieving his tasks, going by any paths, which in front of him are disclosed, inclined to conclude agreements and contracts with any political party and organization (at least monarchical) if they are useful for him. But the person is undoubtedly the volitional, who knows what he wants, and knows how to want. Enlightenment in it is not enough, but self-education develops himself very much, batter and speech "18.

With all the motley and fragment, the specified characteristics strengthen the version that this person could be interested in respectable Lord from the Tagantevsky bloc and enter his Kronstadt cell.

Returning to the latter, it should be noted that there are no accurate data and its numbers. Judging by the "report note", the group was very small. The entire plan of the uprising was built on the fact that in the situation of the "tendency to the rebellion" among ordinary kronstadts, the performance of conspirators will be met with sympathy and will turn into a massive anti-Bolshevik movement. "Sailors, - with all categorical indicated in this document, - unanimously join the rebels, it is only a small group of activists with a rapid and decisive throw to capture power in Kronstadt."

Beginning of the uprising in Kronstadt

In the 20s of February 1921, Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of political strikes at enterprises and demonstrations under anti-government slogans (mainly the requirements of "Free Soviets", much less often - the Constituent Assembly). The spontaneous performances of the workers met the energetic support from the city organizations of Mensheviks, Socialist Unionists, and the Illegal Socialist Block created by them - meetings of authorized factories and factories.

The Tagantevsky bloc took a different position. His groups, as noted G.E. Elvengren, "related to the concluded term with Kronstadt", "led by a common center, did not take part in the riots, but on the contrary, they tried to keep their forces in. encryptedpassive conditionTo save them by the time of the general agreed organized performance, to the beginning of the opening of navigation, without which no performance can give strong results of state importance. "

And the truth, active actions on the side of the White Block in those days did not follow. This was explained, however, not so much of the high "state" consciousness conspirants, how many sober analysis of the political situation in the city. The leaders of the block identified it quite unexpectedly: "funny". In one of the reports in Gelsingfors, the February events were described in Petrograd: "The first wave began here - the first wave began here - the cadets of the workers were cheerfully, the cadets had fun ... February 24 is the first output of the working crowd from the obedience to Smolny. This first case was easy and, I repeat, here in Petrograd even fun. " And further discloses the meaning of the word "fun": "Unfortunately, the voltage has not increased. The soldiers handed over weapons (crowd). On the other hand, there was no activity with the soldiers locked by the Bolsheviks in the barracks "19.

The authorities did not give together the flame of a people's indignation, resorting to the oldest and tested politics "Knuta and Gingerbread": the arrest of socialist intellectuals (in particular, one of the Menshevik leaders of F.I. Dana) and working and activists were promptly. At the same time, the coating of food cards began (including such exotic products, like meat, condensed milk, rice, chocolate, distribution among workers manufactories, shoes, coal. At the same time, there were no victims, because the red cadets caused to the streets accelerate the demonstrators with shots into the air, and the Soviet sources and reports in the Helsingfors of the Tagantevsky bloc unanimously testify.

Nevertheless, Petrograd and his surroundings crawled rumors about brutal violence of the authorities over workers, women and children, about a shootout on the streets, shelling from the canas and factories ... "There were so many killed, which seemed to the government suppressed the uprising" 20 - these words A well-known sociologist, in the recent past, Eser Pitirima Sorokina fully characterize the flow of evil speculation, which splashed far beyond the city.

On February 26, these rumors reached the island Kronstadt and caused mass fermentation among sailors and redarmeys. Now provide the word to the Savinkov resident. "The beginning of the Kronstadt uprising was; due to the absence of a fairly good connection, the result of a sad misunderstanding and therefore it turned outto strong, but, unfortunately, cut off from the general plan, not well prepared and premature, - wrote G.E. Elvengren. - The fact is that the Kronstadt sailors (the organization that existed there, related to the general), learning about the movement began in Petrograd and about its size, contrary to the concluded term, found him for the beginning of the general performance and, not wanting to stay aside passive, arrived in Petrograd ... in order to take part along with others, have already managed to perform. In Petrograd, they immediately oriented and noticed that this is not what they assumed. I had to go back in Kronstadt, the movement in Petrograd was silent, everything was calmed down, and they were sailors - turned out to be compromised to the commissars, they knew that there would be repression and therefore. Decided by making the first step, not to stop on this, but, using a separate position, independent of the mainland, declare themselves with postponed from the Council and independently develop the beginning (thus forced) his performance. "

So, according to G.E. Elvengrena, Kronstadt conspiracy since the end of February switched to decisive action. This, by the way, immediately caught the Baltflot Commissioner H.N. Kuzmin, who was in those days on the island of Kotlin. "I felt some kind of hand in Kronstadt," he told at the Plenum of Petrosovet on March 25, 1921, "and thought that, as this hand was stretched, it would be possible for it. hit. I felt that there was a certain preparation. These threads were difficult to find, but they were "21.

And yet: did this urgent event guide events in reality? Do we have reason to believe the White Colonel and the Red Commissioner, even given that evidence comes from political antagonists - and this usually indicates the accuracy of information reported? In search of a response, consider two circumstances, key to understanding the essence of the whole happening in those days in Kronstadt.

The first of them is the nature of energetic anti-bolvik agitation among ordinary kronstadts. In addition to criticizing the economic policy of the Communist Government, in addition to the criticism of the communist government, was the thesis, explicitly designed for the heated of mass sentiment and as clearly dismantled with the truth about Petrograd events (which, by the way, was well aware of the Kronstadt non-partisan delegation returned on February 27), - On executions of workers in the northern capital 22.

Even more important is the apparent fit under the mood of the Kronstadt mass of the main political slogan of the emerging uprising.

On February 28, a resolution was prepared on the Petropavlovsk battleship for a brigadal assembly of crews of linear ships. The text is not preserved. But the assessment of this document given to him by the chairman of Petrosovta G.E. Zinoviev on the basis of his information from him, as a document "Definitely White Guard Type", clearly indicates the presence of at least the requirements of the Constituent Assembly. This document is discussed in one of the reports of Petrograd Conspirators, where the following paragraphs adopted on a linker of resolution are called: "Constituent Assembly"; "Down with communists and zids" 23. So frankly anti-Soviet resolution caused Protest Sailors Petropavlovsk. At night, when Warnamor after discussion was already dispersed, they, according to eyewitnesses, "began to express dissatisfaction with such a black-based resolution, began to demand amendments" 24.

The necessary changes were promptly made in the campaign, and now it was already under the calls for "free advice" in general and specifically to the uniforms of the local council. "Kronstadt uprising, - recognized one of his leaders later, engineer I.E. Oretshin, - broke out under the pretext of replacing the old council, the powers of which have expired, newly chosen on the basis of secret voting. The question of universal voting, with the assumption of the elections and the bourgeoisie, on rallies, speakers were carefully avoided from the fear of discord inside the rebels themselves than the Bolsheviks could take advantage of "25.

On the morning of March 1, a general-based assembly of battleship sailors took place. Chaired on him S.M. Petrichenko. "Here again, the political program of the Anti-Bolshevik movement is specified again under pressure from the sailors. When Petrichenko proposed to contribute to the resolution about freedom of speech for all socialist parties, those present hotly protested: "This freedom is right to esera and Mensheviks! Not! Nor in a case ... We know their founding! Not necessary!" 26. As a result, a resolution was approved into which the following main decisions were entered: "In view of the fact that these advice do not express the will of workers and peasants, immediately make the charges of advice by secret ballot, and before the election to carry out free agitation of all workers and peasants"; provide freedom of speech and seal for workers and peasants, anarchists and left socialist parties "; "Give the full right to action to the peasants over all the earth as it is desirable."

A few hours later, this resolution was adopted on a olignizonal rally, where up to 16 thousand sailors, redarmeys and workers of Kronstadt were present.

Now about the second circumstance. It is connected with the intriguing history of the creation of the management body of the uprising - the temporary revolutionary committee of sailors, the Red Army and the workers of Kronstadt.

It is reliably known that the Revka functioned in the evening of March 1 (while on board the Lincard Petropavlovsk) 27. The more curious about how his "legitimation" took place at the General Archproungered Delegate Meeting on March 2, which was convened by the decision of the First Arctic rally to discuss the liberty of the local council.

In the Presidium of the Assembly, held in the building of the engineering school, firmly settled S.M. Petrichenko with a small group of his associates. Among those present 300 selected delegates about a quarter were the Communists 28. Soon after the meeting under the pretext of ensuring the "true freedom" of elections to the Council, the Baltflut Commissioner H.N. were arrested Kuzmin and Chairman of the City Council P.D. Vasilyev. Immediately a proposal was made to take into custody and the rest who were in the hall of the engineering school of members of the RCP (b). Those who put forward it clearly hurried. "Although the meeting did not hide his negative attitudes towards the Communists," wrote about this episode after a few days of the newspaper of rebels' Izvestia BPK, "nevertheless, after removal from the assembly of Tov. Kuzmina ... The question of whether the Communists at the meeting were among the delegates at the meeting and continue to jointly work with non-party comrades, was resolved in a positive sense. The meeting, despite the individual protests of some members who offered the Communists to delay, did not agree with this, found it possible to recognize them with the same authorized representatives of parts and organizations, as well as other members"29.

If we assume that in the hall among delegates there were indeed those interested in the full break with the official authority and consistently reaching this goal, then it was necessary to expect their response step capable of sharply reversing the situation at the meeting. And he did not slow down. At the time when the meeting began to obviously slip (the Presidium began to have spent twice again adopted before this resolution of the Linkov Brigade and putting a new non-partisan delegation to Petrograd to Petrograd, not meeting, really supported the delegates), suddenly spread The rumor is that the engineering school moves, cadets with 15 carrying machine guns and an armed detachment of two thousand people.

Communist eyewitnesses described these dramatic minutes: "Suddenly, the door to the hall with noise opened, the sailor flew away, pulled out to the presidium and screamed with a writhing voice:" Hall, non-partisan! We betrayed! The army army surrounded the school! Now we will arrest us! .. "Creek of the sailor raised the hall on his feet ... In a terrible turmoil and noise, for something we managed to vote. A few minutes later, the Chairman of the Petrichenko Assembly, drowning the noise, announced: '' Rev., chosen by you in the Presidium, decides: all the communists present here to delay and not release before finding out. " In two or three minutes, the Communists present at the meeting were isolated by armed sailors "30.

In the description of S.M. Petrichenko all this looks somewhat different. "During the discussion of the question of sending delegates to Petrograd, he argued, - as notes to the chairman of the assembly began to do notes from the meeting participants, which said:" In some buildings, the Communists set the 'machine guns "; "Go cadets from Oranienbaum to Kronstadt". These notes were provocative content. They were sent by the Communists who were attended at the meeting, they hoped to intimidate the meeting to challenge the work and diverged ... As the chairman was supposed to announce these notes and stated that something was preparing against us. We must, even if all this is incorrect, still prepare self-defense. Then, due to the danger of the situation, the present proposed to create a temporary revolutionary committee "31. Mention Petrichenko and about a crazy sailor, with a panic cry who burst into the meeting room.

In the main S.M. Petrichenko does not disagree with the evidence of witness-communists. Revka "Officially" took shape in a situation where the entire assembly was treated with rumors about the repressed repressions from the authorities. At the same time, this is the most important thing in Petrichenko's position - the responsibility for what happened he shifts on the Bolsheviks.

Where is the truth? Are the Kronstadt commissars preparing for armed acceleration of the Delegate Assembly? Available documents allow you to answer this question with sufficient fullness.

Let's start with the notes of the head of the operational department of the headquarters of the Kronefrequency, the former lieutenant colonel B.A. Arkannikova. For about two o'clock in the day, March 2, that is, shortly after the start of the work of the Delegate Assembly - recalled Arcannikov, "all the responsible communist workers began to flow into the station ... The Communists were well armed, and 250 hand-held grenades were rebounded. It became clear that at first they decided to defend themselves in the headquarters. At about 5 o'clock in the afternoon, Novikov's commissioner demanded a card and, accompanied by all the arrived communists, disappeared from the headquarters: Apparently, some new data were made, forced the Commissioners to abandon the thought to defend themselves in the headquarters. "32

The archive managed to find a piece of paper with a glued ribbon conversation on a direct wire between the three commissars of the Marine General Staff K.A. Gailis and Baltflot headquarters GP Galkin, who was in Petrograd, and the headquarters commissioner I. Novikov. It was during this conversation that the alleged B. A. Arkanknikov "New Data", which prompted Novikov to change their plans. Here is this document:

"In Kronstadt, a revolutionary committee was formed at Petropavlovsk. Now there is a meeting in the engineering school. Kuzmin, Vasilyev ... arrested. The position is extremely critical. I remained alone with a squad of communations in a terribly difficult position. What to do: give a fight with a detachment or retreat to Fort? I ask for instructions. - And in the kronstadta it is impossible to stay? - It is possible, but only you need to be arrested and [Lee] to submit to the Revolutionary Committee. - Do not cause armed conflict and do not arrest yourself, but at a critical moment, if there is no other exit, go to the fort, but without causing a collision "33.

So, at most, what the Kronstadt communists thought, so it's about self-defense. And in the evening of March 2, their most cohesive and organized forces from the special department, the revalibuncture, party school and some other units, fulfilling the Petrograd directive, went to Oranienbaum on ice. Power in Kronstadt turned out to be completely in the hands of the Vekt.

The above facts allow you to make more general conclusion. In avalanche-shaped event on the island of Kotlin, a solid will of those who deliberately took the course of inciting the dissatisfaction of the sailors and the Red Army teams were really visible, purposefully led to the elimination of local Bolsheviks from power and establishing their own control over Kronstadt.

On March 4, at the New Delegate Meeting, the composition of the Rev QUCOM was significantly replenished and reached 15 people. Now almost all Elephant Kronstadtsev, more or less actively supported the coup on March 2, had in the VRC of their representatives.

The reservation is not accidental, for there was not a single military specialist in VRK. Meanwhile, the Block of Rev Commons and former Officers has developed almost immediately. CM. Petrichenko testifies that back on the night of March 3, "the revolutionary committee invited all the headquarters of the Fortress and military specialists ... and suggested them to take part in bringing the fortress in combat appearance and order that they convey agree" 34. Defense headquarters in the ranks of the former headquarters of the Kronefrequency were established without delaying: the former chief of the lieutenant colonel E.I. Solovyanova (now the chief of defense), Lieutenant Colonel B.A. Arkannikova (new headquarters chief) and other officers. In addition, the Military Defense Council was created from among the most prominent Kronstadt Mistars. Among them - the commander of the Brigade of Linkorov Former counter-admiral S.K. Dmitriev and General of the Old Army A.N. Kozlovsky.

To report these military bodies "News of VRK", however, in no hurry. Only on March 13, the name E.N. appeared on the pages of the newspaper. Solovyanova as the head of defense. The fact is that the mass of ordinary kronstadtsev was extremely incredulously related to the former officers and their direct participation in the leadership of the reaction of the revolution, if possible, did not advertise.

More than a third of VRK members were sailors, mainly from Petropavlovsk battleships and Sevastopol (archups, Vershin, Patrushev, Perepelkpn, etc.). From civilians in VRCs included master and workers (Valka, Pavlov, Tukin, etc.), as well as local employees and intellectuals (Head of Transport Oboykov, Kilgast Long Swimming Navigator, Head of School Oreshin Engineer).

About the party affiliation of the Rev Commons to judge with all certainty, because, according to the head of the investigative group of Chekist Ya.S. Agrovova, "Meeting participants thoroughly hid their party physiognomy under the flag of non-partisanity" 35. From the small number of arrested members of VRK only V.A. Valka acknowledged that since 1907 he was a Menshevik and did not break with the local party government. I.E. Oreshin, according to the head of the political management of Baltflot E.I. Batisa, in the recent past adjacent to the party of Cadets 36. I think this data can be trusted. When viewing the protocols of the Emigrant Cadet Group P.N. Milyukova for 1921 - 1923. We have met in them mention of the surname Nutshina. Setting up after the uprising in Finland, he was there in a group of levokadsky sense 37. Editor "Izvestiy VRK" A.N. Lamanov, who was officially not a member of the Verkom, at one time he headed the Kronstadt organization of the Surveys-Maximists who had broken down by 1921, and in March Days again declared himself a member of this party.

A number of Soviet Sports Sources are attributed to anarchists. Anarchist glances GP Perepelkina noted the Menshevik leader F.I. Dan, who encountered him in March - April 1921 in the Petrograd house of preliminary conclusion. Apparently, among the activists' activists of the Kronstadt movement, the tendency to anarchism was indeed strong. Several dozen people from their numbers were along with a flipper in DPZ. The same announced his impressions of conversations with them: "The sailors were very angry ... Disappointing in the Communist Party, to which many of them belonged before, they talked about the parties in general. Mensheviks and esters for nickname were no better than Bolsheviks: everyone is equally striving to capture power into their hands, and capturing, they inflated the people trusting them. "All you are one company!" - spoke annoyed one sailor. No power, I need anarchism - this was the withdrawal of most sailors "39.

In any case, one thing is clear: the members of the VRC, regardless of belonging to a particular party (and among them, no doubt, prevailed, non-partisan) expressed the moods of the most politicized in the anti-Bolshevik spirit and prone to the decisive actions of the part of military personnel and the Civilian population of Kronstadt. As for the Kronstadt mass as a whole, after unexpected for many, the formation of a revvant, she was in an indifferent state or herself were herself, without inclined by any of the opposing parties. Abundant material for such a conclusion is given to the testimony of the rebellion of the rebellious fortress (there are up to 400 people) and the reports of Soviet intelligence officers.

All this made the most serious adjustments to the coming plans of the leaders of the anti-Bolshevik movement.

"At the first meeting of the Military Council, - recalls General A.N. Kozlovsky, "the question raised: defend actively or passively." However, only the first option was discussed, because, as can be seen from the notes B.A. Arkannikova, Kronstadt leaders well understood the entire benefit of the capture of their hands the initiative on the eve of the "inevitable fighting" with Bolsheviks 41. "The proposals were two," the Kozlovsky says. - Some believed that the blow should be sent to Oranienbaum Beach as the item is the most important for the enemy, others found that the moment of impact on Oranienbaum Beach was missed, he had to be produced on the night of March 2 to March 3, and now it is more profitable to conduct an offensive on Sestroretsk And further to Petrograd. Both plans were based on the hope of attracting backway troops to their side ... Military Council went with confidence in anything, or another offensive will be executed "42.

But the Military Council was calculated and, as General regrettes, "Defense Headquarters gradually smeared this project." The main reason for the slowness and indecision of the leadership (including members of the VRK) without a rustle called E.N. Solovyanov: "Kronstadt with a large stretch can form a detachment of 2 thousand people, subject to the weakening of the garrisons of those forts, from which the offensive of Soviet troops is expected." 43.

So, only 2 out of 18 thousand servicemen, not counting the adult male population of the city, and even when pulling out forces from the rural defense of the Kronstadt itself. A cast of such a detachment in the unknown in the absence of, as noted by B. A. Arkannikov, "sufficient information about the enemy and the situation", his "Movement on ice, without a shelter, not accompanied when leaving the land of light flying artillery", was so obvious adventure, that the People's Warp did not dare to go "44.

As we can see, a memorable Nadezhda of the emigrant author of the "Report note on the organization of the uprising in Kronstadt" was not justified. He and his like-minded people expected that the initiators of the uprising control over the fortress will meet there "unanimous support". But in fact, faced with the sentiments of passivity and uncertainty in tomorrow, with the frank reluctance of many ordinary participants of the starting movement, turn the weapons against the Soviet side. Members of the Rev QUCOM and military specialists have more clearly understood that forces. In their real disposal, not only for the offensive operation, but also to organize the effective defense of Kronstadt itself. Therefore, they have developed a boiler activity, trying to put the psek under their banners who can keep the rifle in their hands, maintain machine guns and artillery guns. The achievement of this goal was almost completely obeyed by their "internal policy." Several strokes note its main directions.

First, it is direct repression against disagreeable with the Request. "The first day for the emergence of the Revolutionary Committee," said General A. N. Kozlovsky, - the latter fully dealt with the consideration of various issues on arrests, tolerances and passes "45. By morning, about 150 communists were in custody. Soon, a special "Investigation part" is established for guiding searches and arrests (headed by a member of the VRC Pavlov). Its efforts to go to jail another 170 communists. In addition, a separate prison for non-partisan was opened, where several dozen people were located by the end of the uprising.

Secondly, "revolutionary triples" are organized - the lower bodies of the rebel regime, which carried out inseptuous control over all civilian institutions, the fleet and army units. The story of an eyewitness has been preserved about the work of one of these "Rezopeks" - with the city branch of the Metalist Union. This "Trio instead of the work of a working organization actively engaged in a surveillance of the Communists, which they were immediately taken under suspicion and found themselves, so as if under house arrest" 47. Approximately the remaining "repetition" also acted.

Thirdly, this is probably the most characteristic of the "internal politics" of the new authorities - every day I gained momentum Revo "Agitprop". And here (not to mention arrests) leaders of the uprising showed themselves with decent students of the Bolsheviks overthrown. "Idean-educational work" was carried out both with the help of the newspaper Izvestia VRK, and directly agitators on a great set of meetings held in Kronstadt and on island forts. And the Communists, contrary to the resolution olignizonnick Mintang March 1, were immediatelydeprived of the right to vote. Meetings were arranged only with the permission of the Rev., which was also provided for approval and their protocols 48.

From the very beginning, anti-communism from the very beginning was an anti-communism, which became particularly sharp and frank after the endress of the fortress and the first (unsuccessful) of her storming on March 8.

Here, a well-known governmental message from March 2, 1921 was played by the Revolutionar about the "Belogvardeysky" "Mother of the former General of Kozlovsky and the Petropavlovsk ship" (not only distorting the meaning of slogans and the nature of the Kronstadt movement, but also announced his leaders "outlaw") , as well as to Kronstadtsy on March 6, ultimatum about unconditional delivery. All this reduced practically no possibility of a peaceful resolution of the conflict by negotiations with a mass of ordinary participants in the movement, to which the past were sincerely configured and that in advocacy supported at the first pores. His members perfectly surrendered to themselves in unacceptability for the government (including because of the official interpretation of events on Kotlin) the conditions of negotiations put forward by them on March 5: the parcels in Petrograd, where the echoes of the February unrest, the delegation of Kronstadtsev, in order to "clarify the events" and with the right of freedom of movement and agitation, and at the same time - arrival at the Kotlin of the non-partisan delegation of workers, freely elected in the Petrograd plants.

"In the fight against the communists, the serfs erected by them cannot be the middle, they urged from the room to the Izvestia VRK. - We must go to the end ... No, the middle can not be. Win or die!" And in order to dispel doubts about who will win, the Veksovsky official systematically placed reports on anti-Hishevory uprisings in Russia. True, it did not do without a fair share of mystifications (for example, rumors were constantly emerging about mass armed speeches in Moscow and Petrograd, about the help of Kronstadt by the rebels of Makhno and Antonov) 49.

This campaign was supported by newspaper articles containing some generalizations. "In October 1917, we read in one of them," the bourgeoisie was discarded to the side. It seemed that the labor people had entered into their rights, but the full skins of the Communist Party seized power into their hands, eliminating the peasants and workers, in the name of which operated. She decided on the sample of landlord Russia, to manage the country with the help of his commissioners ... It became stuffy ... The uprising of the workers was approaching. Physical watch social revolution, Kronstadt, did not sleep. He was in the first ranks of February and October. He first raised the banner of the uprising for the third revolution of workers. Autocracy Palo. I went to the area of \u200b\u200blegends founding. Collapses and commissionership "50.

Software slogans of this "Third Revolution" in the work of the Veksovsky "Agitprop" paid special attention. "Completely decorated, clear, defined very little, - wrote about their occasion V.I. Lenin. - foggy slogans of "Freedom", "Freedom of Commerce", "Refraction", "Soviets without Bolsheviks" or re-equipment of advice, or getting rid of the "party dictatorship" ... "51oh, to AK the facts, such a nebula, was by no means random.

According to G.E. Elvengrepa, Rev QU "From tactical considerations, declared himself a Yarym adherent of Soviet power, rejecting only the dictatorship of the Communist Party, hoping that the Communists in such a platform would be difficult to negotiate against them, advocates of the Soviets, Soviet parts. All the slogans were put together mainly in the calculation to knock out the propaganda weapons and accusations towards Kronstadtsy from the hands of the Communists. " This is also said and the Kadel G.F. Ceidler is another well informed White Emigration Worker. In a letter sent on the days of the uprising from Vyborg to Paris, he emphasized: reading the Kronstadt "appeal, it is possible to conclude with the conclusion that they are not far from the rally and committee resolutions during the February Revolution. In fact, the difference is huge. Sharpness (i.e., too bright for cadet eyes Soviet color. -Y. Shch.) Very skillfully composed of the appeals, according to the members of the revolutionary committee, it is explained by the need to influence and raise the working masses in Petrograd and is considered only temporary "52.

Of course. Revda put forward his slogans, adding not only to Petrogradts. First of all, they were intended for sailors, redarmeys and workers of Kronstadt. As for another comment G.F. Ceidler - about the documents under consideration as "very skillfully compiled," then it correctly reflects the essence of the case. Revkomovsky ideologues mainly performed precisely as compilers, widely drawing ready-made formulas and whole journalistic blocks of their own anti-colorsisory "Philippik" from ideological and political arsenals of socialist parties. We can talk about the similarity of most points of the resolution of the generallynizonial rally on March 1 with the Menshevian draft resolution for the strikers of Petrograd workers 53. The left socialists are borrowed the thesis about the coming "third revolution", the slogan "Power to the Soviets, and not to the parties!", Yes, and a lot of other from the ideological "snap" uprising.

Confirmed by the facts and another marked G.F. Zeidler The feature of the proclaimed VRK slogans is their temporary, transient character. The further the performance came, the clearer formulated his goal. Of particular interest in this sense is the radio sent from Kronstadt on March 15. "We are fighting now," indicated in it, "for the overthrow of the party yoke, for the true power of the Soviets, and then let the free vein of the people decide how he wants to be managed" 54. This, by definition of the leader of SEROWS V. M. Chernov, "the death political will of Kronstadt" caused lively comments in the emigrant environment. So, resident center of H.N. Having raised the document as "very, very significant", indicating that "Kronstadtsy showed the ability to democratize their slogans" 55 in the last days. Chernov was even more clearer: "Who speaks of a free popular will, he speaks of a universal, direct and equal voting, he speaks of democracy" 56. The last, in his understanding, was the synonym for the constituent assembly. But in Kronstadt already in open, they rumored about him ...

We will come back to this. In the meantime, take a quick look at the events that happened in those days outside the island of Kotlin.

Rebellious kronstadtand external world

The news of the uprising in Kronstadt caused a genuine explosion of enthusiasm among the two millionth Russian emigration, in the speech of seafarers, the refugees have explored the beginning of the end of the hated Bolshevik authorities over Russia. And immediately there was a hot controversy between various political groups of Russian abroad regarding the assessment of this uprising, his prospects and its own position in the context of the unfolded folk struggle with the communist dictatory.

After reviewing a few weeks after the events described by the emigrant press and Soviet newspapers, the materials were widely reprinted from there, Ers N.F. Novozhilov noted in a letter to Cadetu I.P. Demidov: Communist printing persistently promoted the thesis that "the Kronstadt uprising is organized by the" white "hands ... and it is necessary to amaze, how skillfully the Bolsheviks did it! .. The names of the Kronstadt confused themselves are odious and terrible. And you know, you begin to understand what harm to the nationwide case is applied all these hopelessly compromised gentlemen, who in a critical moment rose from their holes and so tactlessly spoke to the full sip of the help of the rebel ... and the hell knows what we have for the emigrant press! In pursuit of the sensation of what only the ducks did not let it in Bella Light! And restoring the rights of the owners at the factory and plants, and the abolition of the nationalization of houses, and the restoration of private ownership of land - everything went into the program of cute Kronstadt on reports by some of our bodies. Lord, how good it was used by the Bolsheviks! And so I want to wish, so that it is stronger and most stronger, besieged these hopelessly stupid, stupid politicians. Damn still jerked the monarchists to raise from Mikhaili, Kirilli, Nicholas and other names, the Lords, hurrying to take the vacant the health prestrol. Found time, nothing to say! I understand that all the forces should work on ourselves, but it seems to me that it is necessary to work skillfully, having remembered that only a fool at the wedding sings a memorial, at a funeral dance "57.

Not all immigrants, however, were strong as a rear mind. Already in the days of the Kronstadt uprising in the enthusiastic choir of retired politicians, sober and concerned votes sounded, with all categorical they argued: "There are no place for candidates from those who live abroad, and nothing to hurry and nothing!" On the pages of the newspaper "Latest News", the Kadetsky leader P. N. Milyukov criticized the "naive people, alien psychology of that revolutionary movement, which is happening in Russia" and called on "Wanted the expensive popular victory from any attempts of the hostile people of the reactionary forces to perversion of its results."

What was hiding behind this appeal made by the proposal of P.N. Milyukova to the text of the appeal of the executive commission of members of the Constituent Assembly of Russia (formed in January 1921 in Paris) to "democracy of all countries"? The frank answer gives the transcript of a closed meeting of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party in Paris on March 7: "V.A. Maklakov puts the question of what is mentioned in the resolution of the Commission on the impact of the reactionary forces? If the money for support (kronstadts) will give very right elements, then it is possible to object to this? .. P. N. Milyukov explains that according to the information available, the movement is very left. Therefore, it is necessary to respect great care and avoid, for example, such steps, as sending money to help the rebel d.D. Grimma, which is now the official representative of the gene. Wrangel, i.e. reaction flow ... I.P. Demidov believes that the payment of money Grimma has a certain fact that can damage. Every giving money if he burzhuy must hide it ... MM Vinaver believes that participation in the movement of elements, suspected in reaction, can discredit it. You can also take money from the line, but only with a hidden tail "58.

The same sober political calculation, clearly tangible in the given document, led Milyukovtsy and in controversy with the ideologists of socialist parties, who hurried to put compounds comprehensive in the masses.

PN himself Milyukov resolutely supported the main political slogan of rebellious Kronstadt, immediately and without diplomatic escaurs, the fulfillment of his true meaning: the implementation of the idea of \u200b\u200b"free councils" "for the present moment means it is most likely that power must move from the Bolsheviks to moderate socialists who will receive the majority in the Soviets. For many, of course, these are the last Mazana world, like the Bolsheviks themselves. " Milyukov with such an opinion was in the root disagree. Smooth melting of power to Esramen and Mensheviks within the framework of the Councils, in his opinion, is the only way to save the country from anarchy. The new power, "authorized by the institutions like advice," will, "Of course, temporary" ... 59 The leader of the cadets perfectly remembered the recent experience of the Civil War, which revealed the complete inability of "pure democrats" to keep the state power for a long time.

If the unity of opinions in relation to the Kronstadt rebellion was not reached in the emigrant environment, the unity of action was established almost immediately. "Our task, our duty, - emphasized in those days in confidential message, one of the leaders of white emigration F.I. Rodichev, - to help all the ways the rebellion of the rebellion is morally and financially, at all, not believing with the fact that the Bolshevik government will come to a change: everything is more important now to reset it. Our organized assistance would be the best assistance: use, if possible, the remains of Russian anti-Bolshevik armies, the creation of a proper supply apparatus of liberated areas ... This requires the assistance of allies and, most importantly, the association of all Russian government strength under the slogan of complete recognition of the shear who has passed .

In favor of Kronstadt Revkoma, significant cash donations from the emigrant organizations and individuals 61 begin to flow. This money was intended primarily for the procurement of food rebels. "When Soviet Russia finds out that Kronstadt released from Bolsheviks immediately received food from Europe," said member in the circle of his associates.PC ESEROV V.M. Zenzinov, - This news will be sparking in a barrel of porch "62.

At the same time, the energetic preparation of military support for Kronstadt unfolded. From the documents of the archives of the AC, CD and NSZRIS, it can be seen that it was directly involved: on the territory of Finland - G.E. Elvengren, Estonia - V.M. Chernov, Poland - B.V. Savinkov 63. They hastily laid the combat units from various militarized formations of emigration and residues of interneed white armies. The stream of Russian officers poured into the Baltic States. In the roar they accumulated such a lot that it was reminded to eyewitnesses of the time of the general of the general H.N. Yudenich on Petrograd 64. "White officers attached and began to look for opportunities to go to Kronstadt, - recalled the former member of the Denikin Special Meeting H.N. Chebyshev. - Nobody was interested in who there - the esters, Mensheviks or the same Bolsheviks disappointed in communism, but standing for the advice. Spark ran through emigration. Everyone was perceived by the Spirit "65.

The activities of the anti-Bolshevik forces and in other strategic directions were noticeably revived. Mainly this belonged to the Webhel Army. It was formally intermented and stationed mainly in the Turkish Gallipoli, having, according to its headquarters, 48 \u200b\u200bthousand military personnel, 14 thousand rifles and 450 machine guns (also there were reserves: "large stocks of Russian weapons", which remained after the elimination of the Romanian Front ; "Until the autumn of 1921, these reserves," said headquarters in the certificate, were concerned with the concerns of our representative in Romania and the French mission "66). As Soviet intelligence officers reported, Wranghelevsky headquarters "At the beginning of March, the order was hastily to make an appointment to all positions on divisions in each shelf, and increased production in the system parts ... The rate, as the direction of intelligence and the mobilization plan of regiments and divisions shows, was interested in March Western Front, where measures were taken to work in our rear, "as well as the south of Russia, since" Wrangel meant the possibility of a landing on the Black Sea coast "67.

To lead about the uprising in Kronstadt, the anti-Bolshevik forces of different orientation within Soviet Russia were also made up. The undisputed leader here was the leading party of the socialist opposition - right-wing esters. On February 25, 1921, the Central Committee of the PSR approved the Directive on the Tactics of the Party in connection with the peasant movement. By stating the presence of pronounced anarchue trends and sentiment in it, the leaders of the ECOMOV demanded from local organizations to strengthen work among the rebels to fully "master the movement of the peasantry." On March 11, at the height of Kronstadt events, the Central Committee of the PSR developed a new document - "Instructions on current work slogans". In fact, it was the first attempt to summarize the experience of the uprising in Kronstadt. In the "instructions" it was proposed to conduct "the campaigns of rallies and non-partisan workers, peasant and red-Army conferences for an open discussion of all acute issues of the experienced moment," to demand "the abolition of the Dictatorship of the RCP", "ubiquitous re-election of urban and rural councils with the actual guarantee of free elections" 68. The latter was transparently hinting at the "guarantees" in the Kronstadt spirit - in the form of creating a river and their similar organizational structures.

Calls and the actions of opposition parties found a wide response among the population of Russia. This is clearly seen from the reports of the HCC and communications of the local authorities in March 1921, designed for senior management in Moscow. We give only one characteristic fragment from a large set of these once strictly secret documents. "On the state of the masses, one can say one thing: we have to live on a volcanic crater, we read in a summary of the Atkar district of Saratov province. - The whole county is burly and boils. In different ends, then the uprisings are broken there ... all the forces were thrown on the fight against them. " Under the influence of Kronstadt, the events began a crowded armed performance in the Vielsky district of the Vologda province, where the leaflets of rebellious sailors penetrated. To support Kronstadt, the uprising was preparing in the Pskov province, Kiev and other places 69 ...

Now let's stop short on what happened in March days in Petrograd. The Tagantevsky bloc came in contact with the illegal assembly of authorized factories and factories (included SEROV, Mensheviks, anarchists) and told Helsingfors that the socialists took the course to organize an armed speech in the city scheduled for March 16. "On the appointed day," said the deposte, "the performance began. In the Putilovsky factory, work shipyards came out. At the exit, they met the communists armed with revolvers and detained, and among the workers there was not a single one who would have managed to send to the forefathers of "comrades". In other factories and such speeches in connection with the arrests there were no ... Undoubtedly, the success of unarmed workers would be very dubious "70.

White conspirators, thus, were blocked into the success of the enterprise-based socialists. It would be shedding blood, but the foundations of the power, unarmed crowds of workers, could not shake. What position did the Tagantevsky Block itself occupied in those abandoned days?

It is determined in the first after the start of the uprising and the Kronstadt reporting to the Helsingfor Division of the NC (on March 4). "Among the issues facing the line, the main, of course, the question of food, - indicated there. - We have your plan (Food delivery plan in Petrograd, prepared by G.F. Zeidler. -Y. Shch.), But how much will he implement? It is necessary to know definitely and accurately. Take responsibility when the supply will be a fiction, it is very undesirable and unlikely can give other results than development in the city of Anarchy. Under these conditions, our "manual" (i.e., open inclusion in the fight against power. -Y. Shch.) It should be postponed before spring, before the bay meal and the possibility of the arrival of ships ... only when interacting with emigration can be achieved. " The following was reported that for"Preparatory work" is sharply necessary "assistance of large money, and not pennies, as before," as well as the transfer due to the cordon "weapons, people, printing and equipment typography". The next day, the second deposits from Petrograd was delivered to Gelsingfors: "You need to strengthen the work, not to grab the movement and for this purpose we require funds from you ... I think that it is not necessary to explain how the risky atmosphere is needed here to demand and wait for us open Performances ... I consider everything that happened only by the beginning of the movement, which develops in an exceptionally favorable setting "71.

So, the Tagantevsky block, without deciding under the conditions for an immediate open performance, struggled to ensure the survival of the flaming "island of freedom". Moreover, the main hopes for such a course of events he laid on the material and financial assistance to emigration.

And at that time, white emigration hoped for support from the Western powers. Russian foreign press is filled with appeals to Western governments. With such appeals, prominent representatives of political and military circles of emigration were performed, including General P.N. Wrangel, who urged French diplomats that the sailors continue the white case, which did not succeed in Him 72. And it is impossible to say that such appeals did not find a response.

The emigrant leaders, even recently, without the special success of those who appeal to Western European states, with a request for "subsidies", began to meet as welcome guests in March days. Curious facts from the correspondence of the heads of the Social Administrative Center in this sense.

With news of events in Kronstadt from Prague to Paris, and then in London, A.F. Kerensky. Following him V.M. Zenzinov sent a letter addressed to a member of the AC E.F. Rogovsky. "We really expect," he wrote, "that Oleg (Kerensky's pseudonym in ATS."Y. Shch.) It will be possible to open new funds - when really do it, like not now! " The calculation of the ECOV was justified, and in a response letter, one of the figures of the Parisian branch of ATS V.O. The manufacturer, reassured Zenzinov: "With the slightest development of events in Russia in a favorable side, sources will open immediately. After all, and now, under the first impression, I managed to squeeze up to 600,000 francs. "73.

On March 3, it became known about the intention of the French government to continue allocating funds for the maintenance of the remnants of the Webhelian army. Then the representatives of France in the Baltic States and Finland were given instructions "to provide all the assistance to Russian organizations, facilitating them negotiations with the Red Cross (international) and eliminating friction that may arise in intercourse with the governments of the Limitrophs" on the Kronstadt issue 74.

The steps of official Paris indicated that for the time being, he abstained from direct participation in assisting the rebellious Kronstadt, trying to make small states with the RSFSR. The rest of the great powers occupied the same position. So, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Angin D. Kerzzon, noting in the telegram to the British Messenger in Helsingfors, which"etc his Majesty's Avianship does not intend to enter any way to help revolutionaries, "immediately stressed: the said at all does not mean that such a policy should adhere to both the Government of Finland or what should be warned from supporting Kronstadts through private societies and individuals 75.

The ruling circles of the limitals were in a difficult position. On the one hand, they have undergone the pressure of the great powers, "recommended" to meet Russian emigrants and to open the border to their combat detachments and transportation for Kronstadt, on the other, there were peace treaties with Soviet Russia binding to their actions. Moreover, the importance of these treaties in the eyes of the general public was increased in conditions when the rapid consolidation of the forces, speaking during the civil war under the slogan of "United and Indicaken Russia" took place around the rebellious island.

And although the governments of small states were not dried in a similar situation on open interference in the affairs of their great Eastern neighbor, their position is difficult to call neutral. It suffices to say that intensive work on the formation of the emigrant invasion forces continued on the territory of the Limitrophs without serious interference, and in a number of cases, they were engaged in the government and the government level.

Some information on this account is contained in the letter I.M. Brushvit on March 12 at the headquarters of the administrative center. In the midst of the Kronstadt uprising, this Socialist Emissar needed to leave Finland to Revel (Tallinn) to meet with V. M. Chernov and Estonian Foreign Minister A. Pippe. And immediately, he writes, "at my disposal, all means of movement were provided, ranging from government icebreaker and ending with airplane." In addition, before departure, it was possible to "practically resolve" the issue of entry visas to the country for the Socialist activists and militants 76.

I barely examined in Revel, I. M. Brushvit noted with satisfaction that "in connection with the latest events" and in this Baltic capital with Esrami "very flirting." He, however, was not fully satisfied with the results of 77 and advised the leaders of the AC to urgently undertake something like a diplomatic demarish, who had almost trouble-free: "It would not hurt to make an English reminder that a little is noticeable here Excessive sympathy for Litvinov and too much diplomatic attitude towards us "78.

Especially strong push tested then Finland, because from its territory only it was possible in those conditions to establish the effective work of the "Ice Bridge" between the mainland and the island of Kotlin before the renewal of maritime shipping.

At our disposal there are documents for March - April 1921. From the archive of Professor G.F. Zeidler, at the time of the "primary Russian society of the Red Cross in Petrograd, Finland and Scandinavian countries." They contain confidentlinen information On the organization of food assistance to Kronstadt and roles in this foreign states. Immediately note: the latter were performed quite in the spirit of the installation known on the telegram of Lord Kerzon.

"We were completely ready for the device," reported G. F. Zeidler to Paris. - All references regarding the products available in Finland were there, and we could get here and in one day to deliver everything you need in Kronstadt. Money arrived. There was no one - the permission of the Finnish authorities to take food loads ... Meanwhile, the Finnish authorities explained to us that any cargo and in any quantity can be delivered to teroks under the flag of American or British red crosses ... "79

P. Ceidler, according to him, "rushed" to representatives of two foreign committees registered in Finland of the Red Cross, Englishman Collins and American Gopkins. Those, given the official position of their governments, were not allowed to use the UK national flags of the UK to supply the rebels, the National Flags of Britain and the United States. But soon Zeidler was convinced that his activity was not blocked by this refusal. On the contrary, the "full readiness" of the Finnish authorities "to assist Kronstadt" unexpectedly discovered.

"With the assistance of terik traders, he wrote G. F. Zeidler, - was purchased on the spot, and also ordered at the first moment up to 300 pounds of flour ... I had to hurry to make in Kronstadt at least some stock of flour to melting ice, after which Two weeks the message completely stopped. However, it was possible to quickly cooperate and there was a complete hope that for the period when every message with Kronstadt is interrupted, the latter will be provided with a reserve of flour to prevent the crisis ... Russian Red Cross managed to send there within two days to 600 pounds of flour "81.

Spring ice drifts and opponents of rebellious kronstadt were waiting with the most different feelings.

The famous anarchist E. Yarkchuk expressed hopes of the first: "There was a bright sunny day. All the snowpiece of the bay burned his rays and, it seemed, reminded Kronstadt: Will last a week when the bay, hacking my ice, will take them into an unknown distance; Then the independence of the mighty revolutionary focus would be saved "82.

Entities came to anxiety every day that attempting at the raid of this "revolutionary hearth" the warships under foreign flags will not slow down.

It seemed that the worst fears of the Bolshevik began to come true. March 9, Park of Foreign Affairs G.V. Chicherin sent a letter to the RVVVEN tracks. He reported that, according to the information received from Berlin, "between March 2-5, the enemy's squadron came out of Copenhagen towards Reel and Kronstadt, in its compositionthem it is 14 military vessels (England and France. -Y. Shch. .) ... Since then, he wrote Chicherin, "which anntha attempt to use the Kronstadt rebellion to apply a new strike to us, I consider it certainly necessary to treat the most serious way to the threat from the hostile squadron." 83.

True, in a few days the refinement was seized: "On sending military vessels of the allies to Kronstadt in a roar, they did not know, they did not appear on the Revel," they said in a summary of the RVS of the Republic of the Republic of March 16, 84. This information confirmed the correctness of those people in the Bolshevik leadership, who was not inclined to exaggerate the readiness of the leading Western powers to immediate and direct interference in the internal affairs of Soviet Russia, the more armed.

The total balance of forces in the republic was clearly not in favor of opponents of the Bolshevik government, and the leaders of the Entente clearly understood. It is indicative of the discussion of the "Russian issue" at a meeting of the Government of England on March 14, 1921, "Cabinet, - noted in his protocols, - received information that ... Despite the events in Russia, the position of the Soviet government without any reservation is durable and stable" 85. Two days later, London went on signing a trade agreement with the RSFSR, the negotiations on which were conducted from November 1920. This was the first recognition of the Soviet state of the de facto one of the great powers of the West.

But it was impossible to lose sight of the fact that the existence of a rebel focus on the border was noticeably worsening the international positions of Soviet Russia, glowing the situation around it, strengthened extremist trends in the policies of large and small bourgeois countries. All of them clearly tried to tighten the "Kronstadt crisis", extract from it the maximum benefit for themselves. In the future, the events on Kotlin could, of course, serve as a convenient pretext for a new armed invasion of the Republic. The possibility of such a turn of events was aggravated by the policies of the leaders of the uprising.

Kronstadt in the last days of the uprising

For almost the very beginning, attempts to establish something like foreign policy connections with a foreign world, to enter the international arena as a representative of the "independent independent Kronstadt republic". From her behalf, he, in particular, turned with a welcoming radio to the new US president of W. Garding. On March 8, "liberated Kronstadt" welcomes the radio "Women of the World" on the occasion of international women's day. Soon the next official message was followed, this time the "proletarians of the whole world" with a request to provide Kronstadts "moral support".

At the same time, V.M. Chernova, "hospitably called to all interested in his movement, up to the correspondents of foreign newspapers." Indeed, there were such radios, but unlike previously named, they were not published in the Izvestios of VRK 86.

It is reliably aware of the stay in the fortress of the four correspondentof Western Europeanth and emigrant press. As for the Persons of the NZ category of "interested", then, according to the Central Support, among them, in Kronstadt there were an intelligence agents of a number of Western states (including the head of counterintelligence of the General Staff of Finland Salari), as well as active members of the White Grouping of Helsingfors Bunakov Officers (N. V. Tchaikovsky in connection with other circumstances reports that he was "fully connected in his activities with the British") and Schmidt 87. Confirmation of these facts in the emigrant archives was not found. But it was established exactly that the guests of the Revolutionar of the Emessar of the Survet Administrative Center IM Brushvita and participants of the Helsingfor "Suction Group" of the Tagantevsky bloc: Captain of the first rank Baron P.V. Wilken (in the past, the commander of Lincard "Sevastopol") and general Yu.A. Javit.

The two latter formally entered the "red-hot" delegation of three people aimed at Kotlin Island Professor G.F. Zeidler. The members of the delegation arrived in Kronstadt in the evening of March 8 and immediately were invited to a joint meeting of the Revkom and Defense Headquarters. The confidential report of Zeidler has been preserved about this meeting, which is of great interest to characterize moods in a heterogeneous audio environment 88. After all, by meaningful comment G.E. Elvengrena, "The Interim Revolutionary Committee was created at a minute of danger very hastily and rather randomly." Moreover, the number of "random", from the point of view of the Savinkovsky resident, the elements probably increased during Divials of VRK at the Delegate Meeting of March 4, when the task was solved: urgently strengthen the communications of the Committee with those groups of Kronstadtsev, who in various motives managed to prove themselves in the anti-Bolshevik movement.

At first, writes G.F. Zeidler in the report, everything went smooth at the meeting. Agreed that soon the Russian emigrants will deliver to Kotlin "the most important foods", and there was suddenly complications began. According to Zeidler, some members of the VRC (among them anarchist G.P. Perepelkin) expressed doubts: "Does the revolutionary committee have the right to take offered assistance?" "The motive," Zadeler notes, "it was put up that the Bolsheviks and so enjoy every case to discredit the uprising, accusing it in the bourgeoisie sales, and therefore the adoption of assistance can aggravate their smuggling ... As it was seen from the debate, there was another motive, although it was seen And not expressed, but, perhaps, the most important thing - this is fear, whether any political party is not hidden behind the Red Cross, who wants to influence the course of events and take power into their hands. It was so felt so much that our representative had to decisively repeat about the complete apoliticalness of the Red Cross, alien to all parties and aspirations to power, and the complete selflessness of his help. "

Although G.F. Ceidler in idyllic tones described the course of negotiations, he could not resist comment that "the initiated issue made some passion in the debate." It is understandable. They were too fake sounded in the mouths of Baron and general assurances in "full apoliticalness and selflessness" of their mission. And only assertive intervention S.M. Petrichenko saved the position. He "especially vigorously objected" by the fluctuating members of the BRC and, "yu Dol j. Sarkasm in his speech, finished what he said - if he needs to take responsibility for the decision, he is ready to accept it on himself, although they would have to pay his head. " As a result, the previously achieved agreement was confirmed by the Verv.

But barely prone visitors, continue G.F. Zeidler, declared the desire to receive "the authority for the Red Cross, who gives him the right to act in matters of humanitarian assistance from the face of Kronstadt," as the Protests rang out in the Rev Commission. "From the side of the same group, an objection was followed in which the distrust and suspicion had already broken." To break the resistance of disagreement, S.M. Petrichenko had to even interrupt a joint meeting, after which all the sharm retired to the neighboring room. "After 50-20 minutes, members of the Committee returned and the Chairperson handed the necessary document to the representative of the Red Cross."

The next day, the delegation returned to Finland, leaving on the island P.V. Wilkena as a plenipotentiary controller on the distribution of incoming food. The open appearance of Baron on the streets of Kronstadt did not pass unnoticed. According to the faders, the former commander of Lincher "enjoyed a bad glory from the sailors," and his arrival gave rise to the "mass of saying" 89 among them. But the "red-hot" mandate provided Wilken a reliable immunity, and under his cover it turned rapidly.

About its orientation can be judged by one very notable episode from the same report. Ceidler. His envies, assuring VRK in the readiness of the emigrants to help the rebels, at the same time warned: "The question is only as foreigners treat it, from the assistance of which the delivery of products in Kronstadt depends." "At the same time, the ceidler adds meaningfully, it was stated that the liberation of Petrograd would greatly facilitate this issue."

And now P.V. Vyalken offered the Rev. "Armed force in the number of 800 people". Information about this is already taken from another source: notes an anonymous member of VRK 90. "Offer," he said, "said that if the Committee agrees, then these people can be scented in ice directly in Kronstadt or they have the opportunity to switch the Finnish border and hit Petrograd. Discussing the proposal, the Interim Revolutionary Committee learned that the Armed Forces are under the influence of monarchists, and, believing with the mood of the garrison, decided to reject the proposal by a majority vote. " The fact that BeloEmigrant organizations at the same time with the Petrograd underground, Beloamigrant organizations, were negotiating "with the aim of establishing per capita, a speedy period of general active speeches and ways to start it," confirms in its report and G.E. Elvengren.

Having received the official refusal of the Revka, the Baron did not fell into a despondency. "To Wilken," testifies to Anonymous from VRK), they began to appear some personalities who negotiated with Petrichenko and the defense headquarters, in particular with Solovyanov. " In the negotiations continued confidential discussion of the issue of joint combat actions.

Sources indicate another line of proposals and recommendations of P. V. Vilken. On March 11, he visited the Sevastopol battleship, where the meeting was called on the meeting on this occasion to "go further". As the nearest political goal of the Motion, the Baron put forward a constituent meeting, stating that only, subject to the support of this slogan, insurges will regularly receive food from abroad 91.

Unified front with monarchist P.V. Wilken performed in Kronstadt and a representative of the Socialist Administrative Center. In the letter delivered by the letter I.M. Brushvita dated March 6 was detailed to the Rev. Call to go "Forward" and "Not to be afraid", because "ESEROV 92 was driven to the rescue.

The conditions of the ESEROVA assistance were identified by V.M. Chernov in his personal message Revku. They were as follows: it would be possible to come to Kronstadt as a former chairman of the Constituent Assembly; Under the founding flag was to be conducted and the entire further struggle with the Communists. In the same letter, as reported on March 7 in Prague Chernov, concrete proposals for joint combat shares were also held (on the occurrence of Kronstadtsev "in the direction of the Red Gorka" while moving to ECEROV's teams from Estonian territory) and "Conditional Code" for negotiations On this issue 93.

The leadership group of the VVKOMA, which estimates its "Soviet" slogans as exclusively tactical, the initiatives of the emigrant politicians did not cause any principal objections. Chairman of Petrograd N.P. Komarov describes this (from the words GP Pleadkin and V.A. Valka) meeting of the VRC on March 12, where the appeal V.M. Chernova. "The letter was discussed for a short time ... Valka offered the offer Chernov to accept. Petrichenko, Yakovenko and others also agreed in principle, but, they say, after 12 days: "When we swear in our" news ", that the case goes for advice, but against the communists, and immediately declare the Constituent Assembly, we will immediately show our inconsistency. Let's wait when there is an hopeless position with food ... "94

The alarm of the Revolutionar about the public demonstration of his own "insolvency" was harvested mainly by the fact that his efforts to mobilize under their banners of all Kronstadts who could wear weapons did not bring the expected result.

During the uprising, the Soviet command received information (from intelligence and deductors) that "almost half of the teams of both linkers do not want a battle" that "the" Sevastopol "machine team (400 people) is almost all entirely against the rebels" that many old-starring sailors Hiding in the Thrumes "Who is where", just not to take part in "Zavaruh" 95. An even greater dominant reigned in the army units. In the engineering battalion, for example, from 750, about 100 people 96 participated in the "armed redone red" 96. It set a special investigation conducted later. Similar information came at the time of the uprising. Thus, in the agent summary of March 8, it was indicated that the garrisons of the "forts reef, hoophev, the Shants raised to the uprising by Kronstadts, wish to surrender in red" 97. On the issue of Fort combat capability, I found it necessary to especially stay in my first emigrant interview with Lincarra Petropavlovsk Lieutenant Christophers. "I had to constantly send 25-30 people to the forts to maintain the mood," he did not hide irritation in front of the reporter. - If there was a real discipline, the fortress and the city could be kept longer than "98.

The trouble was that the hunters go to strengthen the advanced line of Kronstadt defense were mainly among the sailor youth. "Parts consisting of sailors - noted by B.A. Arcannikov, - were almost unraperled by a rifle case, poorly equipped with the necessary military property "99. The words of the lieutenant colonel are confirmed by another officer - the commander of the battery of the heavy guns of Fort Reef Y. Makarov. "During the period from 3 to March 7, he recalled," our garrison recharged significantly by infantry maritime detachments, but it was a young army, untrained, not ex-in battles, mostly Kuban, and therefore their help was not particularly significant. During the same artillery shootout, it came to the point that these soldiers were afraid of even shots of their own guns "100.

We now turn to the civilian population and try to find out what position it occupied in the last days of the Veksovsky authorities.

On behalf of the Chief of Intelligence of the 7th Army immediately after the capture of Kronstadt, something like a blitz survey of residents of the city was carried out. In a certificate, summarizing his results, it was said: "The Kronstadt population, referring to certainly negatively to the White, did not consider such rebels. The latter did not use large sympathies of wide segments of the population, but they met some sympathy. From the surveys of residents confirmed the fact of voluntary donations in favor of direct participants in combat operations, which was published in "Izvestiy VRK" ... "101

But it is clear that from "some sympathy" and even voluntary donations of shoes and clothing with individual citizens to their active inclusion in the rebellious movement - a distance of a huge size. And it, apparently, did not manage to overcome the Revenue. This was especially related to workers.

The number of those Kronstadt proletarians who still decided to get involved in fighting against Soviet troops, can be established fairly accurately, because the Commission for the Kronstadt survey commission was paid a lot of attention after suppressing the uprising. In its materials collected in the 20th of March 1921, there is data on the two largest enterprises of the city: a shipping plant, workshop and the docks of the military port. There worked more than 90% of all Kronstadt workers - approximately 5,800 people. Of them disappeared from the Soviet authorities to Finland or about 120 people were arrested 102.

It is more difficult to establish the total number of participants in the armed struggle: in the sources to this expense, disagreement. In Soviet military documentsit is determined in 3 thousand.lovek, which is unlikely to take seriously 103. The leaders of the uprising are called from 5.5 (S.M. Petrichenko) to 12 thousand (A.N. Kozlovsky) 104. True, the first, including in its calculations of civilians, forgets about artilleryrs serving fortress guns. Taking into account this group, the digit of the audit activists can be increased to 9-10 thousand people. But even if agreed with Kozlovsky, remains a fact: most of the servicemen (18 thousand people) and the adult male population of the city (8-9 thousand) did not raise the weapons in defense of "free advice".

All this had the hardest consequences for the Revkoma. Its active supporters did not have enough to close weaknesses in the defense of the island and forts. "After all, one total length of their coastline," said General A. N. Kozlovsky, - exceeded 30 miles, "," The free garrison of the fortress, who could meet the attackers in the foot attack, was so limited that in the chain had to put people - one 5 sages "105. Failed in such conditions to establish a regular change of fighters from an advanced line, which, according to S.M. Petrichenko, led to an "extreme fatigue of the garrison": "Tired people literally fell asleep in their places, and some who left for apartments to reinforce the forces were not returned at all" 106, in other words - deserted. The lack of people led to a breakdown of a number of other important measures to strengthen the defect defense defense.

It is not surprising that the military leaders of the uprising, well-seen this, acutely fallen a lack of a living force for the defense of the fortress, felt restless. The alarming state of their spirit was aggravated by the lack of reliable information about what happened at the enemy. "The military intelligence was continuously, both before the start of hostilities and during them, - recalled B.A. Arkannikov - the difficulty of movement on ice, the vigilance of the Bolsheviks, the inevitability of her performers in the event of their captivity, as well as the full unpreparedness of the intelligence officers themselves, koi in most people from those who wished - all these conditions were reconnaissed completely unproductive, and the headquarters of the fortress had a very schematic headquarters. And insufficient "107. The fact that "Defense Headquarters was poorly understood in the situation," noted A.N. Kozlovsky: "Ordinary intelligence he took for the offensive, all brake every night and did not give the recreation troops" 108. A rest in the absence of a change of fighters was extremely necessary.

But, perhaps, the greatest concerns of the Rev houses and officers caused not so much shortage of bayonets on the advanced, how many growing political instability of their own rear. Despite the actual collapse of the local Bolshevik organization (about half of its members voluntarily came out of the party), the group of communists and the Komsomol residents (a little less than 300 people) did not accept the power of VRK 109. Some of the partial workers, sailors, the Red Army, and gradually the antiyrevsky "Resistance Movement" took shape in the fortress. Its participants led campaign work at factories, ships and in coastal units, established communication with the Soviet command, transferred valuable information to him, sabotized various events of VRK.

Here are just a few facts of this kind. Working printing houses with the help of their repetition constantly hid the true size of the paper in order to produce "Izvestia VRK" less circulation, and on March 15, they refused to print the leaflet "to all citizens of Russia!", Ordered by the Rev.. The team of the mine-filling workshop systematically did not perform 50% of the preparation rate of six-tech shells, in which the rebels experienced a special need. Mint Fortress, headed by his commander A.N. Nikitin refused to lay outstream mine harnesses on the approaches to Kronstadt. And the most important thing: the decision of the VRK was torn to the Ice around Kotlin's Island. "In connection with the advent of rumors about the occurrence of our troops on Kronstadt, it was stated in the intelligence of the fortress of March 5, the" government "suggested hacking the ice projectiles due to the lack of icebreakers. But the part of the teams was against, as a result of which the intention was settled. " The opposition of ordinary Kronstadtsev did not allow to carry out such a measure and later that a lot contributed to the rapid defeat of the uprising. Finally, during the fortress assault on March 17-18, the resistance participants, according to the testimony of B.A. Arkannikova and S.M. Petrichenko, broke the communication lines and shot back to the defenders of the Revkoma 110.

The situation established in Kronstadt was steadily summed up the activist rebel group and their leaders to the conclusion about the need for urgent and cardinal decisions. Curious in this connection Letter N.N. Had dated March 18, 1921. Based on information emanating from the fortress, he reported to his correspondent in Paris: "In the position of Kronstadtsev, in the last days, an interesting, very important turn was noticed. All the sidelines were convinced of the need for a strong, spotted discipline and felt a single team will had a huge meaning. Unfortunately, in the fortress, apparently, did not find a person among military specialists with major military dating, there was no "character" ... officers who gave themselves to VRK, felt embarrassing: to command themselves. " 111.

It is not necessary to talk about the appearance of aspirations to the "Unified Team War" in all Kronstadts. But remains a fact: even in the environment of ordinary supporters of the Vekti, sincere wards on "free councils", they began to think about the need to concentrate power in the hands of local military specialists. Such an impression, for example, made out of conversations with representatives of this group of participants of the uprising, then hit the Petrograd prison, F.I. Dan.He leads words aboutworking: "To have a military success, it was necessary to convey the organization of the uprising in the hands of officers; But the rebels feared the political result of such an organization and therefore suffered a military failure "112.

Some evidence suggests that part of the Rev Commons (direct promoters of ordinary rebellious activists) expressed by the interlocutor F.I. Dana fears began to retreat to the second plan before the need to ensure reliable defense of the fortress. The indicative conversation took place between the chairman of the Petrograd Gubbek N.P. Komarov and member VRK G.P. Peredelkins. After the Perepelkin spoke about the actual actions of Baron Vilken in Kronstadt, Komarov asked: "And tomorrow, this baron would prevent you from not only the requirement of the founding, and the authorities of the military dictatorship? Then how would you put a question? ... "" I admit, "Perepelkin replied," now you can frankly say that it would not be that another way out ... "113

There are well-known grounds that faces were also in the VRC, not only ready to give their place to the White Guards due to the "hopelessness" of the situation, but also quite consciously contributed to the establishment of a "solid power" in the Kronstadt. Thus, the anonymous member of the VRK was mentioned above directly indicated: S.M. Petrichenko and his closest colleagues in contact with the agents of excitation monarchical organizations "prepared the ground for the overthrow of the Committee, which was reported later to Petrichenko on Fort Fort" in Finland 114. Under the "overthrow of the Committee", apparently, it is necessary to understand the removal from the authorities of those "random" elements, the predominance of which in the Revenue said G.E. Elvengren. On the existence in the official governing body of the uprising of the atmosphere of mutual suspicion and distrust indicate the testimony of GP. Perepelkin, who allowed that "Active Troika from Revkoma" (Chairman of S.M. Petrichenko and two "Comrade of the Chairman" - N.V. Arkhipov and V.A. Yakovenko) together with officers could be demolished with the emigrant correspondents of Kronstadt without the knowledge of the entire Committee 115.

Unfortunately, the state of the source base does not allow specizing the situation in the Revolutionar. But that's what I could find out. Agranov: At the meeting of the VRC on March 13, it was decided to "appeal to the whole world with the appeal of help and for defense purposes not to disperse any means and help, with whose parties they either proceeded" 116. In a day, on March 15, a radiogram was left from Kronstadt, addressed to the "peoples of the whole world." In it, the leaders of the uprising asked for food assistance and medicines, and with the end, they emphasized that "the moment the military" 117 will also be required. At the same time, the Kronstadt delegation led by members of the VRC N.VR, arrived at the territory of Finland. Arkhipov and I.E. Oreshin enthusiastically met by local emigrant figures.

"Thus," S. S. Agranov concludes, "the logic of the struggle in the process of its development pushed the Kronstadt rebels, regardless of those goals for which the struggle was launched directly in the arms of the reaction. Fast rebellion of the rebellion did not give the opportunity to finally manifest itself with open White Guard elements and slogans "118.

Evaluation and lessons of the Kronstadt uprising

As a result of the assault on March 17-18, 1921, Kronstadt was taken by the Red Forces. But the political passions around the dramatic events unfolded there continued to boil for a long time.

It is impossible not to remember the controversy of the leaders of two Russian parties - V.I. Lenina and Yu.O. Martova - in connection with the assessment of the uprising.

"It will not be able to hide in the bag of the sewn, which gives Kronstadt speech a huge historical importance, - wrote a Menshevik leader in April 1921 - this is Shilo: the initiative of the decisive struggle against the established regime, emanating from those masses that have so far be a stronghold of Bolshevism ... Thus, the possibility of a single proletarian front is proved in the struggle for the further development of the revolution, in the struggle for its exemption from the police dictatorship, and therefore, the possibility of doing this struggle without going to benefit the counter-revolution. This is a fact of enormous importance. And this fact confirms the correctness of the position of our party entirely ... We said that as soon as the Soviet Russia is freed from the ghost of intervention, then it is precisely the political and economic prerequisites for ideologically-sustainable and friendly movement of the proletariat against the Bolshevik regime: Arakherevshchina, for the democratization of the revolution created by the revolution Building, for the restoration of political freedom. All this came true with literal accuracy. "119.

Article Y.O. Martova "Kronstadt", the fragments of which are given above, saw the light in the April issue published in Berlin the magazine "Socialistic Bulletin". And immediately followed the answer from Moscow.

"The smart leader of the bourgeoisie and landowners, Cadel Milyukov," wrote: V. I. Lenin with the sharpness of expressions inherent in political discussions, - patiently explains the fool to Viktor Chernov ... that nothing to hurry with the founding, which can and should speak out for Soviet power. - Only without the Bolsheviks. Of course, it is not difficult to be smarter than these narcissary fools ... When Martov in his Berlin journal declares, as if Kronstadt not only conducted Menshevik slogans, but made proof of what is possible an anti-colorship movement, which does not serve entirely by the White Guardian, then it is a sample of narcissist Meshchansky Narcissa. Let's simply close your eyes to the fact that all the real White Guards welcomed the Kronstadts and collected through the banks of the funds to help Kronstadt! Milyukov right against draft and March, for it gives the actual tactics of real white-country power: ... let's support anyone, even anarchists, which Soviet government, just to make a movement of power! .. Moving power from the Bolsheviks ... and the rest "we", Milyukov, "We", capitalists and landowners, "ourselves" will do Anarchistcove, ch e finovy, m and mouth We slap riding "120.

Who was the right in this controversy? It seems that I will not be mistaken, saying that the course of events around the rebellious Kronstadt, and in it, it is most sufficiently convincingly testifies to the rightness of the Bolshevik leader. It is very curious that during the uprising "Socialist Bulletin" himself involuntarily recognized the validity of the Leninist forecast. The editorial article "touching!", Published in the March issue, its author (perhaps the same Y.O. March) wrote with indignation: "When a desperate appeal to St. Petersburg scientists appeared in Europe a few days before the last events:" Save Petersburg from Hunger, Shlit food! "The hostile cold was greeted this appeal ... But Kronstadt rebelled, and the picture changed. People feed - this is "at a loss." Fighters - Another thing ... This goal is the "Christian" campaign of cadet and trafficking circles under the flag of "help Kronstadt". Belogvardesia is trying to throw a loop on the neck of the wolved kronstadt. Under the guise of harness about food aid, a new non-accelerated intrigue preparation of a new intervention is underway. Before Kronstadt receives the first hundred pounds of flour, the armed groups of mercenaries, these avant-gards of the occupation army, will already be prepared for another expedition in foreign courts, 121.

The rebellious kronstadtsy got bread earlier than the limits for military support for military support of the uprising were presented as the border. But this item does not change the main thing: such support is vigorously prepared. Mensheviks saw this at all not worse than the Bolsheviks and even not alien to the attempts with the help of journal speeches to disperse the clouds of "White Guards", which quickly thickened over the "winsted kronstadt". However, it was worth the uprising to movein The story, as they immediately tried to forget about these more than naive efforts and completely subordinate the interpretation of the Kronstadt events to the tasks of the current political struggle.

Yes, the case of Kronstadtsev was doomed. With existing then in Soviet Russia and around it, the model of class and political forces, the speech of the sailors and the Red Army teams of Kronstadt did not and could not become a prologue of the new, folk revolution, immediately satisfying the age-old aspirations of freedom, equality, social justice ... Moreover, any attempt to remove from The state leadership of the Bolshevik Party would be carried out in those conditions not to the "celebration of democracy", but to the concentration of power in the hands of the right-hand forces, to the new turn of the civil war, mass white and red terror. And it is unlikely that the famous Lenin's conclusion about the Kronstadt events ("Bolsheviks no one is able to replace, with the exception of the generals" 122) can be treated as a contrived and far from disinterested.

It is appropriate to recall that among the main antagonists of the Bolsheviks - the leaders of the bourgeois monarchical camp - the then alternative to the alternative to the government existed in the country. In indisputable interest is still here. One correspondence controversy, PA this time between the esters and a white general, a close companion of P.N. Wrangel in Emigration A.A. background lamp. In the summer of 1921, in Prague, the Esers published the book "True on Kronstadt", where they gave their assessment to the uprising close to Menshevist. "I listed the" truth about Kronstadt "- the nozzles smeared on the Soclin's Soclinov," the general was recorded in his diary. - The whole book is full of enthusias, as the generous was sailors, as they spared everyone, full of excuses that God didn't think that the sailors were influenced by the former officers, full of "offended" on the Bolsheviks, but does not take into account why The "bad" won the "good". The esters do not understand that there are sharp and rapid measures in such a struggle. " "Somehow you come to the conclusion of Lenin," the general is developing further, - that in Russia there can be only two power - monarchical or communist; Or rather, the power is absolute and everything is decisive and in its own way! And with intellectual psychology, they will not go far that we brilliantly proven on yourself "123.

Now, after the 74-year-old communist board in Russia, many involuntarily come to another conclusion: the dictatorship of white generals, I will then say it in the country, I would bring it a lot less evil for the simple reason that it did not proclaim the goal to implement " Great utopia ", overwhelming all the traditional economic, social, political and cultural foundations of Russia. From the point of view of the historian, this is idle reasoning: the story has long been ordered in his own way and we are not given to rewrite her pages. A other thing is to understand the reasons for what happened to the country and the people and extract the lessons for the future.

Notes:

Lenin V. and, Poly. Cathedral op. T. 43.C: 139.

By March 1921, in Kronstadt and in the surrounding island forts, there were 18,707 military personnel of the ordinary and commanders. In the literature, another number is widely distributed - 26,887 people, but it is not accurate, because it includes the attentive analysis of the relevant funds of the Russian State Archive of the Navy (hereinafter referred to as RGAV MF: F. R-34. ON. 2 D. 532; F. P-52. ON. 2. D, 36; F. R / -92. OP. 3. D..833; F. P-705. ON. 1. D. 188, 63.3, 657; etc.), garrisons of mainland forts that did not participate in the uprising, as well as several thousand civilians; Workers and employees of the Kronstadt plants). About 30 thousand civilians lived in the city. In the harbor stood two powerful Lincora Petropavlovsk and "Sevastopol", a number of other warships.,

ABOUT tomethi only part of extensive literature on the topic; Puhov A..FROM. Kronstadt rebellion of 1921 L., 1931; Semanov S.N. Elimination of anti-Soviet Kronstadt renewal of 1921 m, 1973; Shchetinov Yu.A. Torn plot. M., 1978; Pollack E. The Kronstadt Rebellion: N. Y., 1959; Avrich P. Kronstadt 1921. Prinston; N-y., 1970, Getzler I. Kronstadt 1917-1921, Cambridg, 1983; Thomsonn G. Kronstadt'21. London, 1985; and etc.

RGAVMF. F. R-1. ON. 3. DD. 531, 538; F. P-34. ON, 2. DD. 310, 532; F. R-52. Op. 2. d, 36; F. R-92. ON. 3. D. 376; and etc.

State Archive of St. Petersburg (hereinafter referred to as HPB). F. 1000. OP. 5. D. 5.

State Archive of the Russian Federation (hereinafter - Garf) FF. 5784, 5872, 5893, etc.

Ibid. F. 5784, OP. 1. DD. І, 99, 100, 106.

Ibid. F. 5822. OP. 1. d, 42; F. 5802. ON. 1. D. 638.

Ibid. F. 5802, OP. 1. D. 548.

Ibid. F. 7506. OP. 1. D. 31.

Ibid. F. 5784. OP. 1. D. 99.

Garf. F. 5784..p. 1. D. 106.

Avrich R. Op. CIT. R. 235-239.

RGAVMF, Collection of materials about S.M. Petrichenko,

Garf. F. 5784. OP. 1. D. 100; F. 5893. OP. 1. D. 81; DD. 492, 603.

Ibid. F. 5784. ON. 1. D. 106.

Sorokin R. Leaves from a Russian Diary. N. Y., 1970. P. 265,

Haspb. F. 1000. OP. 5. D. 5.

Ibid. F. 1000. OP. 5. D. 5; and etc.

Garf. F. 5784. OP. 1. D. 104.

Haspb. F. 1000. OP. 5. D. 4.

Garf. F. 5959. OP. 2. D. 141.

Haspb. F. 1000. OP. 5. D. 5.

Red chronicle. 1931. No. 1. P. 16-17.

The news of the temporary revolutionary committee of sailors, red-Armenians and workers Kronstadt, 1921. March 11.

Semanov S.N. Decree. op. P. 85.

Revolutionary Russia (Revel). 1921. No. 8. P. 8.

Garf. F. 5959. OP. 2. D. 2.

Russian State Military Archive. F. 190. OP. 3. D. 1131.

Petrichenko S.M. The truth about the Kronstadt events. Paris, 1921. P. 9.

Motherland. 1993, No. 7. P. 53.

The Russian Center for Storage and Studying Documents of the Newest History (hereinafter - RChidni). F. 17. ON. 13. D. 761.

Russian State Archive of the Russian Federation (hereinafter - Garf). F. 7506. ON. 1. DD. 38, 71. 72.

Dan F. I. Two years of wandering. Berlin, 1922. P. 153, 155

Russian State Military Archive (hereinafter - RGVA) F 7 op2 D. 530; F. 190. OP. 3. DD. 791, 792; F. 263. OP. 1. DD. 35, 42; F. 264. OP. 1. D. 44; Russian State Archive of the Navy (hereinafter referred to as RGAVMF). F. P-92. ON. 1. D. 496; Statistan State Archive(Palee - HASPB). F, 485. ON. 1. D. 117; and etc.

Garf. F. 5959. OP. 2. D. 2.

Ibid.

Garf. F. 5959. OP. 2, D. 2. A significant role in such a decision of the rebel leadership was played by the failure of the assault attempt on Oranienbaum Coast, undertaken by small forces on the night of March 3.

Kronstadt rebellion. C5. Articles, memories and documents. L., 1931. P. 75, Sat. Materials of the Petrograd Committee RCP (b). GH., 1921. Vol. 3. P. 30-31; and etc.

RGVA. F 263. ON. 1. D. 42; Haspb. F. 33. OP.2. D. 185.

RGAVMF. F. P-92. ON. 1. D. 496; Haspb. F. 485. ON. 1. D. 117.

Lenin V.I. Poly. cathedral op. T, 43, p. 237.

Garf. F. 5802. ON. 1. D. 638.

Haspb. F. 4591. OP. 5. D. 12.

Kronstadt rebellion, p. 160.

Garf. F. 5784. OP. 1. D. 106.

Revolutionary Russia. Revel, 1921. No. 5. P. 6.

Garf, F, 5784. OP, 1. D. 99.

Ibid, F. 7506. ON. 1. D. 32.